Consultation: | FYEG General Assembly 2021 |
---|---|
Agenda item: | 2 New FYEG Political Platform |
Status: | Submitted |
Submitted: | 07/07/2021, 16:04 |
History: | Version 1 |
PP2-VInew: FYEG Political Platform - Europe in the World
Political Platform text
6. Europe in the World
The current international system has not achieved its promise of ensuring peace,
guaranteeing fundamental rights, and reducing global inequalities and poverty.
Conflicts are taking place all around the globe. Illiberalism* and autocracy*
are on the rise. At the same time, the international organisations and rules
that have characterised international cooperation over the last decades are
increasingly under attack. The changing geopolitical context (including the
withdrawal of the USA from the world stage and the rise of other powers such as
China) will have far-reaching consequences for the international system. On top
of this, the effects of the climate crisis will contribute to instability. We
stand at the beginning of a period of significant volatility.
The European Union has tried to establish itself as a global actor over recent
years. We believe that it is only together that the European Union Member States
have enough weight to tackle complex global challenges effectively. The external
action of the European Union must be built on and guided by values. We believe
that European foreign policy must uphold human rights, democracy, the rule of
law and the respect of international law; preserve and build peace; pursue
multilateral* solutions; and fight for effective action at the global level to
fight climate change, the biodiversity crisis, and other global environmental
and social challenges.
a. Multilateralism
Challenges such as the climate crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic are global in
nature and cannot be overcome by any state alone. In a world that is becoming
increasingly connected and complex, international cooperation is the only way
forward. At a time when international organisations are being undermined and
with certain states pursuing a course of unilateralism*, the European Union, as
well as other actors, needs to actively fight for multilateral solutions and the
strengthening of international organisations.
We oppose a move towards a world characterised by great power competition and
the rule of the strongest. It is our responsibility to fight for a fair, rule-
based international system that protects those who are more vulnerable and gives
them the power to actively shape their futures. We stand for the strengthening
of international courts and call for the EU to join the European Convention on
Human Rights* in a timely fashion in order for it to be held to account in cases
of human rights abuses.
The European Union will also advocate for reforms within the International
Monetary Fund (IMF)* and the World Bank*. Their decision-making processes must
be decoupled from the financial contributions of Member States. These
institutions must contribute to a stable and sustainable world economy.
Multilateral solutions on global issues such as climate change, biodiversity
loss, migration, weapons, and security should be pursued.
While being strong supporters of multilateralism, FYEG also believes that it
needs to be deeply reformed. The current system is still institutionalising
existing power inequalities instead of balancing them. The fact that five of the
richest countries in the world, who happen to be among the largest military
powers and weapons exporters, hold permanent seats on the UN Security Council*
and have the right of veto is neither fair nor sustainable in the long term. In
the short term, this system should be reformed by giving permanent seats on the
Security Council to more countries, including those who have historically been
exploited and hindered in their economic development by colonial powers, and by
ending the right of veto. In the long term, the UN should evolve towards a
global democracy in which representatives from all countries would be
democratically elected.
b. Feminist foreign policy
As FYEG, we stand for the development and implementation of a European feminist
foreign policy. Feminist foreign policy is a political framework that is centred
around the well-being of marginalised people and invokes processes of self-
reflection regarding hierarchical global systems.
There is an urgent need for the European Union to reconsider the way it conducts
its external actions. Traditionally, foreign policy thinking tends to focus on
military force and the security of states. Feminist foreign policy offers us a
new, intersectional way to think about foreign policy from the viewpoint of the
most vulnerable. It aims to elevate women’s and marginalised groups’ experiences
and agency to scrutinise the destructive forces of patriarchy, neocolonialism,
heteronormativity*, capitalism*, racism*, imperialism*, and militarism*.
For European states, this means addressing its history of colonialism. Many
European states built their wealth on the brutal exploitation of other
countries. Colonialism and its aftershocks are affecting countries and the
hierarchies in the international system to this day. A European feminist foreign
policy must be a decolonial foreign policy. A first step into this direction is
debt forgiveness* and reparations for formerly colonised countries. In the
longer term, the way the European Union conducts development assistance needs to
be rethought and global economic institutions need to be reformed to effectively
address the situation of formerly colonised countries.
FYEG supports the right to self-determination for peoples. The European Union
should promote the right to self-determination for peoples, in adherence to
international law and states’ territories, and with the prospect of improving
the human rights situation and democracy.
In terms of peacebuilding, a European feminist foreign policy means that more
women and other marginalised groups must be brought to the negotiation table.
Our focus should not be on top-down processes, but rather on community-centred
initiatives.
As part of a European feminist foreign policy, the institutions which shape
foreign policy, such as the European External Action Service* and national
foreign services, must reflect the diversity of the societies they work for.
Foreign policy continues to be dominated by old white men, and it is the task of
institutions to actively take steps to change this.
c. Peace and security
Peace is more than the mere absence of war. Our understanding of peace entails a
positive peace that includes a commitment to justice and human rights and the
eradication of poverty, discrimination, and social exclusion, as well as
tackling the effects of the climate crisis.
Too often security is equated with militarisation. Such a perspective is not
only false and limiting, but harmful. We need a paradigm shift in terms of
security, putting more emphasis on crisis preparedness, resilience, and emerging
security challenges such as hybrid threats and climate change. Further
militarisation fails to meet today’s security challenges. Instead of
militarisation, we therefore call for an allocation of resources to where they
can contribute to human security* and truly sustainable peace. This includes
ensuring funding for civil society organisations and humanitarian organisations.
Human beings, not state security, must be at the heart of all security efforts.
When it comes to conflict response, humanitarian action and dialogue must be
prioritised over militarised intervention. Imposing sanctions has precedent over
militarized intervention as well, yet sanctions must be targeted and do no harm
to the overall population. Within international organisations dealing with
security, the EU must actively fight for solutions built on the principles of
human security. Within the European Union, we must put an end to the unanimity
requirement to impose international economic sanctions. However, we recognise
that in certain situations dialogue is not enough. When genocide or other
horrific human rights abuses are occuring, or unprovoked crimes of aggression
occur and mediation has proven unsuccessful, we through the EU need to be able
to forcefully and militarily respond to protect human life and security. To this
end, we support the development of rapidly deployable and interoperable EU
military forces that are able to engage in peace enforcement and civilian
protection, such as the EUFOR Crisis Response Operations Core, so long as they
are truly used for this purpose and not as an instrument of economic or national
interests.
Through the production and export of arms, European States are fuelling
conflicts across the world. We demand the end of arms exports. In line with the
principle of human security, we also call on European States and the EU to
increase efforts to make nuclear weapons illegal under international law and
join the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons*. We also advocate for the
global prohibition of lethal autonomous weapons (LAWs)*.
We support all Stateless Peoples subjected to oppression by other states. We
highlight the importance of supporting their fight for freedom and recognition,
and call for international treaties to be respected in context of colonizing or
apartheid regimes, only as defined by the Rome Statute of the International
Criminal Court. Military activities, as well as other forms of subjugation, must
be put to an end under the mandate of international organisations such as the
United Nations Security Council, or the International Court of Justice.
Recognition of new borders for these Peoples needs to be respected by all
parties in order to include them as a rightful member of the international
community.
The climate crisis will only bring more meteorological and humanitarian
disasters, which can be deadly, create problems for the delivery of essential
services and risk destroying critical infrastructure. In times of peace we
support the training and use of military forces for disaster response and
preparedness, both within Europe and outside of it, in strict accordance with
international law and solely under mandate.
d. Migration
We believe in the unrestricted right to travel and migrate for education,
economic, security, freedom, peace, climate, and other reasons. Freedom of
movement should be considered a human right. Your freedom and opportunities
should not depend on where you or your parents were born or your ability to
acquire a certain nationality.
At the same time, we are also conscious of the root causes of forced migration,
especially from countries in which people are affected by famine, war, climate
change, exploitation, and various kinds of persecution (ethnic, cultural,
religious, political, ...). You should not be forced to look for better and
safer conditions in other countries because your situation is deteriorating to
the point where your life and that of your loved ones are put in grave danger.
Furthermore, sustainable development cooperation is not only giving aid to those
who need them. Europe should be proactive in rooting out the causes of forced
migration, especially when originating from European actor's actions, and
ensuring human security (cf Feminist Foreign Policy)
Europe must become a safe haven for people seeking refuge. Illegal pushbacks* of
migrants and refugees must stop, and the humane treatment of migrants and
refugees upon and after their arrival ensured, in particular access to
sufficient food, clean and safe drinking water, and healthcare. The housing of
migrants and refugees in mass camps with poor living conditions must end, and
dignified housing must be provided immediately. Member states and local
governments should strive to provide secure small-scale housing which will serve
as a springboard for migrants and their families to be able to rent in the
private housing market in the medium and long-term. In housing refugees, member
states and local governments should also put the particular sensitivities into
consideration including, but not limited to, unaccompanied minors, LGBTQ+
migrants, and migrants with disabilities.
Human rights activists who organise voluntary rescue operations have been
charged with heinous crimes. Humans have always been migrating and will always
migrate. Europe should support migration, facilitate secure travel for all
migrants, especially refugees and asylum seekers, and make sure that all people
are saved when in distress, as regulated in international admirality law.
Criminalising and hassling private organisations and commercial ships which do
so is a breach of international law and must be prosecuted. The European States'
and the EU's externalisation of border management, through agreements such as
the ones with the Turkish government and the Libyan authorities and militias,
has further amplified the violations of human rights at the borders of the EU.
This must end immediately.
We defend the right to asylum. Europe must create legal and safe channels for
migration. We demand humanitarian and resettlement visas, allowing refugees to
come to Europe safely. Administrative procedures to obtain these visas should be
free of charge for applicants at the point of service.
We need a common European asylum policy based on the principles of solidarity
with migrants, asylum-seekers, and refugees. The Dublin system* as we now know
it should be replaced. Refugees and asylum seekers already in the EU should be
able to effectively register for asylum, have access to asylum procedures, and
be able to request asylum not in the member state of arrival but in the one of
their choice. A common system of EU procedures, requirements, and checks must be
implemented, with clear time frames, in order to relieve pressure on the
individual. We need a common European asylum policy based on the principles of
solidarity. Additionally, all member states, particularly those who are of
better financial standing, must welcome more refugees, in order to relieve
pressure on border countries. In welcoming refugees, member states and local
governments should also put particular sensitivities into consideration
including, but not limited to, unaccompanied minors, LGBTQ+ migrants, and
migrants with disabilities.
Europe does not have a migrant or refugee crisis, Europe has a militarisation of
migration and border policies crisis. FYEG is unequivocally against “Fortress
Europe”. The militarisation of border management, including through Frontex*,
has turned Europe into a fortress, causing the death of thousands of migrants
every year. We demand the abolition of Frontex and the reallocation of its
budget and resources towards policy and appropriate institutions based on the
human security framework. Their main objective is to create political, economic,
social, cultural, and environmental conditions in which peoples' vital rights
and freedoms are secure.
Current border policies institutionalise racism and social stratification*.
Instead, we should make sure that our migration policies serve to create a
welcoming, inclusive, diverse, and peaceful Europe. This means equal access to
education, job opportunities for all, the recognition of education and skills
learnt in someone’s country of origin, and the provision of language training.
Moreover, it should be easier to gain study, work, and residence permits in
Europe and to be granted family reunification. The granting of permanent
residence permits should be the norm, not the exception.
Across Europe, millions of people live undocumented. The rights of these
paperless people* should be protected. There are millions of young people who
were born in the European Union but are not EU citizens because of their
parents’ migration status. Anyone who is born in the EU is European and should
receive an EU passport upon birth.
e. The geopolitical challenges of digitalisation
Digitalisation has brought new geopolitical challenges. Digital companies and
platforms are in an excellent position to use the flaws of the current
international system to their benefit, for example to avoid taxation or locate
the country that will offer them the best conditions and the lowest level of
accountability. At a time when certain companies have become more powerful than
states, only international cooperation and European legislation can provide
solutions and protect citizens’ personal data and privacy. We support
dismantling the biggest tech companies to allow other actors to compete on a
level playing field and to avoid the over-concentration of power. We also
support the development of alternatives to tech giants that must show greater
respect for people’s data and privacy.
Digitalisation has also created new online battlefields. The cyberattacks
reported by some media outlets, hospitals, and public services show the need to
reinforce cybersecurity*. The attempts of some countries to influence democratic
processes such as referenda and elections, for example through disinformation
campaigns, also demonstrate the need to take preventative measures. We support a
ban on targeted advertising* and the strong regulation of political advertising
on social media.
Finally, digitalisation also has geopolitical consequences in relation to the
consumption of rare earth elements (REEs). REEs are essential for the
manufacture of many electronic devices but are only found in sufficient
quantities in certain countries, which makes them a source of geopolitical
tension. We support the development of recycling facilities in Europe as well as
limits on the export of waste containing REEs.
f. Trade and global justice
Sharp global inequalities shape today’s international system. Formerly colonised
countries are suffering from the legacy of colonialism to this day. Global
inequalities are also apparent in the climate crisis and the biodiversity
crisis, as those who are the most responsible are not the same as those who are
most severely affected. Global inequalities are perpetuated by free trade and by
international trade rules that leave countries powerless to face multinational
corporations.
FYEG stands for global justice. Global justice entails a rethinking of how we
conduct both development and trade. The EU should reserve 1% of its GDP for
development cooperation and should advocate for raising the OECD* standard to
1%. This amount must be fully spent on improving the situation of people in
poverty-stricken countries providing local aid groups, communities or relevant
authorities with funds and support to develop initiatives which fit their own
priorities, in respect of good governance. It should neither end up with
European companies that receive this as a covert subsidy, nor be spent to
prevent migration to Europe. The EU and its Member States must fundamentally re-
design their approach to trade agreements and finance development in order to
fully comply with highest fair trade and environmental standards.. Its
development banks believe in outdated economic models that result in accumulated
debt and large corporations stunting the growth of local businesses.
Trade must be fair. This means that trade can never be conducted at the expense
of human rights, democracy, social and environmental standards, or the fight
against the climate crisis. We oppose any trade and any trade agreements that do
not fulfil these criteria. Like development policies, fair trade must
acknowledge the responsibility of former colonial European states towards
countries which have historically been exploited and hindered in their economic
development by them. Fair trade must respect the interests of formerly colonised
countries and must not counter the objectives of development policies.
The change we are calling for is not limited to trade agreements. We also call
for regulatory due diligence and transparency in supply chains to prevent
environmental harm and to ensure social rights. European companies must be held
responsible in European States and the EU for breaches committed in third
countries. A human rights due diligence (HRDD) legislation, legally referring to
all human rights, should apply to all business relations of all companies who
are making use of the EU’s single market (with specific considerations for SMEs)
to ensure that the entire supply chain is being looked at. We believe that HRDD
legislation must at least cover, but not be limited to, severe human rights
violations, and their enforcement must be uniform across the European Union.
FYEG stands for a different type of globalisation, one that is based not on
increasing profits and trade at all costs, but rather on exchanging ideas,
celebrating cultural diversity, and working together towards a better future.
g. A Green European Neighbourhood Policy
The European Union will not become stronger by closing itself off from others.
Through the European Neighbourhood Policy* the EU has since its inception tried
and failed to guarantee democracy, human rights, fair economies and rule of law
for states bordering the Mediterranean and to the East of the Union.
Though the expansion of the EU is not an end in itself, EU membership should be
open to all European countries that are not yet or no longer members of the EU.
We support the accession of countries who express the wish to join the EU if
they meet human rights, democratic, and rule of law criteria.
The European Union should develop and maintain strong cooperation with
neighbouring countries who are not members of the EU, including by guaranteeing
visa-free travel and participation in key programmes such as Erasmus+*. For non-
European states, the entire policy needs an overhaul with enhanced
conditionality, greater focus and rewards for progress on fundamental rights,
and cooperation on environmental and climate issues. As greens, we support
measures that secure peace and prosperity, and provide the basis for
environmental and climate action. The European Neighbourhood Policy has the
potential to do so, but does not contribute to the achievements of these
objectives right now.