| Resolution: | Decolonising Europe starts with us: Breaking the chains of colonialism within the Green movement |
|---|---|
| Proposer: | Joves Ecosocialistes |
| Status: | Published |
| Submitted: | 05/03/2023, 19:39 |
sociopolitical and economic hegemony is only made possible through the continued oppression and exploitation of the Global South.[Space]The militarization and the arms industry are also one of the pathways for exploitation and destruction of the Global South.
Decoloniality as a concept, an ideology, a movement, only exists due to the
entrenchment of a hegemonic system of domination and oppression, a system of
colonialism and imperialism (hereinafter often simply colonialism). Although
‘formal’ structures of state colonialism of the Global South has - debatably -
ended in the period of decolonisation of the 20th century, colonial asymmetries
and inequalities, and structures and systems of subjugation, oppression, and
exploitation continue to be perpetuated, if not exacerbated, through the
political, social, and economic hegemony of the Global North in the neoliberal
global capitalist system. Thus, the Global North - the ‘core’ - is able to
supply its pursuit of constant economic growth through the exploitation of
resources and labour of the Global South - the ‘periphery’.
Is it therefore essential to acknowledge that capitalism and colonialism are
closely intertwined. The roots of capitalism lie in colonial history and
capitalism continues to reproduce such colonial asymmetries. The Global North’s
sociopolitical and economic hegemony is only made possible through the continued
oppression and exploitation of the Global South. The militarization and the arms industry are also one of the pathways for exploitation and destruction of the Global South.
Capitalism thus relies on a
system of unequal exchange, as the Global North continues to benefit from these
unequal power relations and perverse international division of labour and flow
of resources, at the expense of the Global South - which also experiences the
worst impacts of the consequent worsening climate crisis.[1]
These colonial asymmetries are not simply between states. Within states exists a
sometimes loud but often invisible status quo of White superiority
institutionally, systemically, and socially. Colonialism, therefore, as a social
definition, is the occupation, exploitation or a guardianship of these
structures by specific ideas, values and principles of a more dominant class.
Colonisation can take different forms: social, cultural, financial, ethnic,
educational, political, etc. It is thus important to take this into account when
trying to tackle decoloniality, as through its interweaving in so many facets of
life, it can be manifest in very subtle ways. This makes coloniality so complex
and difficult to see and recognise, and also what makes it such an essential
struggle to wage.
Thus, in order to truly strive for social justice and equality, decoloniality
must therefore be central in any effort for progress. Decolonialism is the
process of freeing an institution, a sphere of activity, and so on, from the
chains of colonialism, and its cultural or social effects.
In so doing, a complementary process of interculturality can be empowered, a
process striving towards the building of a radically different society, of an
“other” social ordering based on a plurinational state. A constant process of
dialogue and interrelation, of bottom-up structural economic, social, political,
and cultural transformations, for the full and permanent participation of
racialised and ethnic-minoritised communities.[2]
The aim would then be first to recognise those beliefs and concepts that shape
these structures today without our being aware of them. The key notion would be
to understand and identify such mechanisms, to be aware of their existence, and
to analyse why they exist and continue to exist today.
The second step would be to implement actions to dismantle these mechanisms.Once
we understand what binds institutions to perpetuate such notions of dominance,
we must pursue the common objectives of breaking the chains of colonialism.
For example, production of knowledge has often been a tool of domination,
oppression, and exploitation due to unequal power relations. Western knowledge,
conveyed as ‘universal’ or ‘objective’ truths, imposed a monolithic worldview
that gave power and control to the White European. Educational institutions
today, from primary to tertiary education, continue to perpetuate this implicit
Whiteness of knowledge through the materials and methods of teaching. Thus,
decolonising schools and universities through incorporating knowledges of the
Global South in content and teachings, platforming Global South scholars, and
actively breaking the explicit or implicit chains of colonialism is a powerful
and crucial decolonisation tool for the emancipation of racialised and
culturally and ethnic-minoritised peoples.[3]
It is impossible to strive for a socially just ecology without decoloniality.
Acknowledging the finiteness of our planetary boundaries, an ideology of
capitalist expansion eventually requires expansion to the periphery and the
exploitation of resources and labour therein. This unequal exchange of not only
resources, but externalities, as mentioned above, results in the Global South
impacted the worst by the climate crisis. Even within Western states, indigenous
peoples and communities of colour are amongst those that suffer the most from
this crisis. The climate crisis is inherently racist, and right at the forefront
are racialised and ethnic-minoritised communities.
And yet, indigenous peoples and communities of colour continue to not only be
unheard or forgotten, they are often erased from climate movement. We must
acknowledge the reality that the history of environmentalism is racist, and that
striving for ecological sustainability without first prioritising decolonial
justice perpetuates neocolonial asymmetries through imperialist
environmentalism. Without the reversal of this unequal exchange and perverse
flow of resources, we end up powering the Global North's transition through
continued exploitation of the Global South.
In short, there is no climate justice without racial justice.
We need a critical decolonial framework to broaden our ‘core’
(Eurocentric, Western, White) perspectives towards those of the
‘periphery’, and to broaden our understanding of environmentalism through
knowledges and understandings from the Global South.
We need to truly listen to those most impacted by our histories, by the
neo-imperial system of capitalism today, and by the climate crisis - to
platform and fight for their voices and interests to be heard in the Green
movement.
We need to accept that we may need to critically analyse and rethink much
of what we thought to be true about the world and what it means to be
inclusive, and reckon with the roles we have played in perpetuating
exclusion, discrimination, or inequality, within FYEG, within the Green
movement, and within broader society.
#BrusselsSoWhite.
As we head into these elections, we need substantive representation - the
incorporation of racial justice and the interests of racialised and
ethnic-minoritised peoples within party manifestos, campaigns, and the
agenda of European politics.
At the same time, we need descriptive representation. 4% of Members of the
European Parliament are White, and much of the rest of its apparatus.
Studies show politicians of minoritised identities are more likely to
advocate for the rights of minorities. In any case, people of colour
deserve to see themselves reflected in the political structures that
represent them.
Politically:
Increasingly include, platform, listen to, and work more closely with
racial justice organisations and activists in Europe and from the Global
South. We should actively strive to collaborate with and highlight the
work of indigenous activists and young greens of colour at the forefront
of this movement, especially those in the Global South;
Incorporate and emphasise racial justice, inclusion, representation, and a
broader decolonial framework of thinking in setting up their campaigns for
EU24;
Actively encourage bold, young greens of colour to run for the European
Parliament via their respective mother parties, and to provide sufficient
support and mentorship to do so and to be placed in electable positions;
Organisationally:
Take steps to assess the practices, policies, and cultures of their
internal organisation and on how this excludes or fosters an atmosphere of
exclusion for people of colour;
Work more actively to make their organisations more inclusive, for example
by working on meaningful diversity and inclusion plans that address the
lack of young greens of colour in their respective organisations.
Ensures diverse representation of young greens of colour in the Young
Candidates Platform, to the extent possible.
Especially considers the disparities and barriers to accessibility faced
by young greens of colour in politics, and, where necessary and possible,
to ensure the Young Candidates Platform considers these
intersectionalities in the support and trainings it provides young
candidates of colour.
This be the first of one of many future steps to expand FYEG’s work on
decoloniality, interculturality, racial justice, representation, and
inclusion as we work towards making FYEG a Federation that is truly
antiracist, racially just, and inclusive.
Future steps actively expand on decoloniality, interculturality and racial
justice in specific areas of policy, where possible.
All components of FYEG aim to place decoloniality, interculturality, and
racial justice at the very heart of our collective movement.
Decoloniality and interculturality is more than social justice. It is a constant
process in envisioning a different world - anti-colonialist, anti-capitalist,
anti-imperialist, and anti-segregationist, with a different social ordering and
relationship between peoples.
We do not want this resolution to use decolonisation as a metaphor, but a
starting point for radical change. “Decolonisation is not an ‘and’. It is an
elsewhere.”[4] As a progressive organisation, it is about time we work to create
this ‘elsewhere.’
[1] Silva, G. T. (2022). An overview of strategies for social-ecological
transformation in the field of trade and decolonialisation. In Barlow, N.,
Regen, L., Cadiou, N., Chertkovskaya, E., Hollweg, M., Plank, C., Schulken, M.,
& Wolf, V. (Eds.), Degrowth & Strategy: How to Bring about Social-Ecological
Transformation (pp. 375-382). Mayfly Books.
[2] Mignolo, W. D. & Walsh, C. E. (2018). Interculturality and Decoloniality. In
On Decoloniality: Concepts, Analytics, Praxis (pp. 57-80). Duke University
Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11g9616.7.
[3] Akena, F. A. (2012). Critical Analysis of the Production of Western
Knowledge and Its Implications for Indigenous Knowledge and Decolonization.
Journal of Black Studies, 43(6), 599-619.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0021934712440448.
[4] Tuck, E. & Yang, K. W. (2012). Decolonization is not a metaphor.
Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society, 1(1), 1-40.
https://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/des/article/view/18630.
We consider militarization and army industry are elements related to colonialism and fossiel fuel economy.
