The Young Greens note:

• The persistence of unilateral territorial annexation and occupation undermines the fundamental principles of international law and territorial integrity and should be considered forms of imperialism.

• The unjust extraction of wealth from nations, characterised by the commandeering of resources and the imposition of exploitative lending practices that create cycles of perpetual debt should also be considered forms of imperialism.

• The systematic subversion of sovereign agency, where external powers impose governance structures, legal frameworks, or political ideologies upon nations without the people’s democratic consent should be considered a form of imperialism.

• The emergence of market dominion and knowledge production and capture including property, data, and critical technologies can be considered contemporary mechanisms of imperial control.¹

• Examples of such actions include Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022,² Israel’s Genocide against Palestine in 2023, The United States kidnapping of Venezuelan President Maduro in 2026, The United States launching of maximum pressure 2.0 against Cuba in 2026.

• The Cold War never ended, and the Space Race rages on. It is one branch of a model of international diplomacy which pits East and West blocs against each other, undermining solidarity, perpetuating a climate of tension, and precluding real global safety and security.

• Space exploration of late has been increasingly protagonised by individual entrepreneurs whose business interests are deeply ingrained in global practices of exploitation. For example, Elon Musk holds a growing monopoly on the technologies being deployed for space exploration and telecommunications,⁴ and Jeff Bezos is set to weigh in with thousands of satellite launches planned for 2027.⁵ So much power in the hands of such individuals, rather than accountable institutions, is cause for concern, especially where a capacity to enact surveillance is concerned.

• Space junk, the pollution of the atmosphere by discarded tools, machinery, or satellites, is not only creating greater risk to legitimate space research: this extra-terrestrial littering is also a moral abomination and could only become more dangerous owing to Kessler Syndrome.⁶ That the exploitative industrial activities of humanity (and especially the Global North) have caused deep harm to ecosystems on Earth is well proven: it cannot be that the same attitude of use, misuse, and disrespect spills over planetary boundaries.

• Space tourism such as that touted by Space X and Blue Horizon, which masquerades as peak human curiosity and empowerment manifest, is nothing more than a painful cliché. Look no further than the 2025 all-female voyage, which showcased the ultimate parody of progressive feminism.⁷

• Techno-optimism and denial is fuelling space exploration projects suggesting a future for humanity outside Earth. The belief that humans will be able to escape before it becomes uninhabitable because of the cumulative effects of climate change is a betrayal of our role as a steward species in our ecosystems.⁸ It is also, of course, a complete fallacy, an elite fantasy, a sci-fi project for the richest, it is fiddling while Rome burns.

• As is often the case with techno-optimism and denial, space exploration projects which purport to find humanity a new home outside of Earth are perpetuated by a feedback loop of its own creation. In this case, mining for rare earth minerals, the risk of conflict brought about by resource competition, and the disdain for the intrinsic dignity of human lives implicit in its supply chain as ever divided by the Global North and South, all serve to create the unstable planetary conditions which make the project justifiable.⁹ Mining of this sort is a desecration of human and more-than-human life. Imperialism is rife at every layer of the phenomenon.

• Unregulated activity in space also runs the risk of further compounding the alteration of planetary ecosystems that characterises the Anthropocene age. The exponential growth in satellite launches are reported to be increasing light pollution from space,¹⁰ while the predicted ‘commercialisation’ of space could see increased gas emissions and dumping of rocket parts in the ocean.¹¹

• The models of relationships between humans and their more-than-human friends and neighbours on Earth and beyond which are able to justify the disrespect of planetary and extra-planetary ecosystems are not fit for purpose in a world of mutual thriving.

The Young Greens believe:

• True global stability is only achievable through respect for the sovereign agency of all nation-states regardless of their economic or military stature.

• Economic relationships must be predicated on mutual benefit and transparency rather than predatory debt-trap diplomacy or coercion.

• Knowledge and technology should serve as tools for mutual thriving rather than instruments of structural exclusion or subjugation.

• Anti-imperialism is not just a stance, but an active commitment to dismantling systems of unilateral dominance in all their forms.

• International institutions and actions should be formed and regulated by the global community as a whole, rather than dominated by a geopolitical oligarchy of select superpowers that seek to present themselves as the sole legitimate authority.

• Outer Space is the common heritage of humankind and any attempt to colonise, militarise, or privatise celestial resources constitutes a dangerous frontier of imperial expansion.

• Research must at all times be ethically justified on Earth: the same must go for Space. Space exploration which intends to imbue a sense of wonder at the universe can enhance a human’s sense of their place within the cosmos. However, wonder and appreciation for the beautiful strangeness of an extra-planetary space or phenomenon must not be justified or destined to justify the colonisation of that space.¹²

• Access to information and internet connectivity must not come at the cost of obligatory consent to surveillance.

• Monopolies in any kind of industry serve only to destabilise.

• The night’s sky is sacred and must remain that way.

The Young Greens resolve to:

• Support knowledge sharing – Devise and implement policies that prioritise ‘open’ learning initiatives and localisation of technology.

• Sanction unilateralism – advocate for diplomatic frameworks that trigger immediate consequences for any nation attempting to commit acts of imperialism.

• Condemn all ongoing and future forms of imperialism and call for an immediate end to any support or cooperation with states engaged in imperialism or oppression. Furthermore, we urge the EU to sever all economic and political relations with states that violate human rights, including the full repeal of the EU–Israel Association Agreement.

• Engage in the active protection of multilateral institutions and explore measures for enforcement.

• Promote resource sovereignty – Advocate for transparency standards for multi-national corporations to ensure extraction of raw materials provides fair compensation and investment to the host community.

• Encourage oversight of trade and loan agreements: Establishing a commission to review such agreements for exploitative clauses that compromise a nation’s long-term fiscal autonomy. Moreover, encourage the restructuring of international institutions to provide low-interest credit facilities that prioritise developmental stability over external market access.

• Codify space equity – Demand the strengthening of international space treaties to explicitly prohibit the private or unilateral ownership of lunar or planetary soil and ensure that any benefits of space exploration are shared with all nations.

• Regulate orbital and lunar resources – Ensure resources extractions in space will follow the same ethical and distributive standards as on earth.

• Review of workings of International Relations, namely permanent membership and veto powers held by the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council.

• Focus our Party energy and efforts on addressing injustices on Earth, recognising when space exploration projects are explicitly or implicitly designated to provide a ‘Planet B’ and condemning those as distraction tactics.

• Call for a transparent cost-benefit analysis of Space exploration projects, as well as further research on the environmental costs of rocket launches.

• Apply an anti-imperialist lens in our analysis of space exploration projects, calling out the colonist mindset wherever it arises.

• Defer to indigenous models of human relationships with our ecosystems as leading models of interspecies reconciliation desperately needed as part of the Global North’s responsibility to tackle the climate and biodiversity crisis it has created and guide the purpose and scope of research beyond the Earth.

Notes

1. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09614524.2025.2609155 Accessed 15/04/26

2. https://www.unrefugees.org/emergencies/ukraine/; https://www.intereconomics.eu/contents/year/2023/number/4/article/toughening-financial-sanctions-on-russia.html Accessed 15/04/26

3. https://www.aljazeera.com/amp/news/2026/3/31/cuba-crisis-explained-who-holds-power-and-could-diaz-canel-be-replaced Accessed 15/04/26

4. https://www.theguardian.com/science/2025/mar/18/nasa-cuts-elon-musk-spacex Accessed 01.04.26

5. https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2026/jan/21/blue-origin-satellites-2027-jeff-bezos Accessed 09.04.26

6. https://www.bbc.co.uk/newsround/56902948 Accessed 01/04/26.

7. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/apr/15/blue-origin-flight-american-feminism Accessed 01/04/26

8. https://www.cjlpa.org/post/the-space-race-and-its-discontents-hannah-arendt-on-space-1951-63 Accessed 01/04/26

9. http://arxiv.org/pdf/2103.17125 Accessed 09.04.26

10. https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/seac/2025/11/17/extracting-rare-earths-exploiting-frontiers-the-human-cost-of-the-international-rare-earths-race-in-myanmar/ Accessed 01.04.26

11. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/videos/cvgke97y55zo Accessed 09.04.26

12. https://www.theguardian.com/science/2023/mar/04/end-colonial-approach-to-space-exploration-scientists-urge Accessed 01/04/26

Introduction

Capitalism is failing at ensuring basic human needs such as affordable housing, comfortable and sustainable transportation, universal healthcare, and food. As Capitalism is currently the predominant economic system, the degrowth and post-growth researcher Jason Hickel, capitalism relies on maintaining an artificial scarcity of essential services (such as housing, healthcare, transport, etc) through processes of enclosure and commodification. This manipulation of the market enables the ruling class to raise prices and maximise their profits (e.g. rental market, the US healthcare system, or the British rail system), increasing their capital.

As indicated by the Eurostat, housing prices rose by 48% in the EU between 2010 and 2023, 10.6% of the EU population are unable to keep their homes adequately warm in 2023, and Europe is facing an escalating housing crisis (European Commission, 2024). According to the Global Report on Food Crises 2024 (FAO, 2024), In 2023, 281.6 million people (21.5 percent of the analysed population) faced high levels of acute food insecurity in 59 food-crisis countries/territories. Food insecurity in Europe affects roughly 7%–8% of the population, with over 17% of those at risk of poverty unable to afford adequate meals. Driven by inflation, high food prices, and geopolitical tensions, the crisis disproportionately impacts young people, low-income households, and under-privileged regions. The numbers do not lie: capitalism is a war machine against equality. The intersectionality of the struggles and vulnerabilities make it more difficult to respond and recover from shocks.

The only solution to prevent and stop the further development of these inequalities is to move towards a Convivial Degrowth Economy where human wellbeing is sustained while planetary boundaries are respected. Reaching a Convivial Degrowth Economy is a key element of the Green Europe we are fighting for, and the only way to ensure that no one is left behind and universal human needs are satisfied. Universal Basic Services (UBS) will facilitate the development of this system.

About Universal Basic Services

Theorised by Coote and Percy (2020), UBS aims to offer access to essential needs to everyone regardless of financial status, as well as to help against the climate crisis (Coote, 2022). UBS guarantee a public subsidised (affordable and in some cases free) access to food, transportation, healthcare, education, and housing regardless of financial status, gender etc.

These UBS will cover universal basic needs. All of these needs are satisfiable within a threshold, as humans do not require excess in any of them to live comfortably (Coote, 2022). At its core, UBS seeks to redefine consumption from individual and private to public and shared (Coote, 2021).

A core aspect of UBS is the improvement of people’s access to services necessary for decent lives, with provisioning systems that require less aggregate energy and material use and which allow us to accelerate decarbonisation. These outcomes can be further enhanced by ensuring strong democratic governance of public systems (Hickel, 2023).

Practical Cases

In Europe there has already been a number of cases where UBS were limitedly implemented.

Romania’s Green Friday in Cluj - Free Public Transport Each Friday

With the slogan of “STOP! Today the car is standing still!” Green Friday is an initiative started in June 2021 and active in the city of Cluj and its surrounding municipalities (CTP Cluj-Napoca, 2026). This is a prime example of UBS, with its goals to reduce chemical and noise pollution, traffic, car accidents and congestion, and costs of traveling, as well as to stimulate citizens to use the public transport more.

UBS Housing in Europe

In Vienna, housing costs are kept low because the city owns a large share of the land. Hamburg and Copenhagen use public organisations to manage land, while the whole country of Denmark taxes land and redistributes it to local governments for housing investments (Coote, 2022). In Montpellier, the city partners with special vehicles to develop land. Some regions of Belgium, Austria, Germany, Denmark, and the Netherlands have a threshold after which rents become capped or subsidized.

Free Access to Food in Schools - The Case of Finland and the United Kingdom

In the United Kingdom and Finland, kids receive free lunch in school. While Finland has been offering universal free meals in school since 1943, the UK currently only offers them to kids in reception and in their first and second years of school (Coote, 2022).

Standing for UBS is essential in a global context where public services are put under a lot of pressure, and sometimes being threatened by budget cuts and neoliberal policies encouraging their privatisation. In that regard, employing universal basic services would:

• Reduce the inequality gap. These services improve the lives of people in the lower-income classes.

• Act as a form of prevention against illness or even death (free healthcare, education), thus reducing poverty and mortality by making these needs accessible to everyone.

• Improve sustainability by shifting the focus from producing for capital to producing for human needs.

We, as Federation of Young European Greens, call to:

• The EU to ensure universal access to nutritious, regenerative, and plant-based food by implementing a public grocery system. Public grocery systems are defined as retail food establishments that are directly owned, partially or fully funded, or significantly supported by public institutions. These institutions can range from local municipal governments and regional authorities to community-based co-operatives that operate under a public mandate. A core principle of their operation is offering goods at affordable and, in some cases, subsidized prices. European governments shall fund regenerative farms and gardens linked to these public grocery stores (Clark, 2021).

• The European governments and municipalities to invest more in sustainable public transit systems and make them affordable.

• The European Commission to extend the scope and raise the ambition of the European Affordable Housing Plan by prioritising public over private investment and Public Private Partnerships in affordable housing supply.

• The EU Member States to design financial and legal solutions to support social and affordable housing.

• The European Commission and European national governments to design financial and legal solutions for free healthcare.

• The EU to move away from outdated fiscal rules and implement wealth taxes. The potential revenue from wealth taxes could be allocated according to each country’s specific needs and political priorities, offering opportunities to invest in energy, education, healthcare, transportation, or unemployment programmes.

References

Clark, James. 2021. « It’s Time to Nationalize Supermarkets ». Jacobin, July 15. https://jacobin.com/2021/07/nationalize-supermarkets-australia-agriculture-food-system-public-sector

CPT Cluj-Napoca. 2026. https://ctpcj.ro/index.php/ro/despre-noi/stiri/vinerea-verde/1442

Coote, Anna. 2021. « Universal Basic Services and Sustainable Consumption ». Sustainability: Science, Practice and Policy 17 (1): 32‑46. https://doi.org/10.1080/15487733.2020.1843854.

Coote, Anna. 2022. « Towards a Sustainable Welfare State: The Role of Universal Basic Services ». Social Policy and Society 21 (3): 473‑83. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1474746421000385.

Coote, Anna, et Sebastian Mang. 2023. « Universal Basic Services: a Greener, More Affordable Life for All ». Green European Journal 26 (décembre).

Coote, Anna, et Andrew Percy. 2020. The Case for Universal Basic Services. The Case for Series. Polity.

European Commission, ed. 2024. Housing in Europe: 2024 Interactive Edition. Publications Office. https://doi.org/10.2785/5544429.

FAO, 2024. FSIN and Global Network Against Food Crises. 2024. GRFC 2024. Rome. https://www.fsinplatform.org/grfc2024.

Hickel, Jason. 2022. Less Is More: How Degrowth Will Save the World. Penguin Books.

Young people across Europe bear the long-term consequences of political decisions on climate,

housing, social rights, and fiscal sustainability, yet their influence in formal democratic

institutions remains limited. While youth parliaments and councils are not a new mechanism,

they exist in only around half of European countries and often lack a solid legal basis, stable

funding, and institutional support to translate into decision-making. Participation is too frequently

symbolic, dependent on political goodwill, short-term projects, or voluntary effort.

This is not primarily a problem of youth disengagement, but of democratic structures that

concentrate power in the hands of established actors and create unequal access based on

intersecting forms of discrimination. Public authorities often outsource participation to short-term

projects or underfunded organisations, while retaining decision-making power. Without

consistent legal guarantees and accountability mechanisms, participation risks reproducing

existing privileges and undermining trust when young people’s input receives no visible

follow-up. Existing legislative frameworks, including Article 165 TFEU, Article 11 TEU, and

Council of Europe standards on youth participation, already recognise the importance of youth

involvement. However, these frameworks lack binding obligations, enforcement, and consistent

implementation across Member States.

We therefore demand that youth participation becomes a guaranteed right, anchored in law

through independent structures, adequate resources, inclusive access, and mandatory

accountability.

We demand that EU institutions, within their competences:

● Propose and adopt a Council Recommendation on a European Youth Participation

Framework, setting minimum requirements for independent, representative national

youth councils, youth parliaments and student unions.

● Integrate these standards into EU youth cooperation instruments and reporting cycles,

ensuring consistent evaluation of their implementation and impact.

● Use EU funding programmes to incentivise Member States to implement these

standards, including participatory governance rules, transparency requirements, and

inclusive access measures for marginalised youth.

● Introduce Youth Impact Assessments for relevant legislative and policy proposals,

particularly those with significant intergenerational impacts.

● Ensure regular monitoring and public reporting on the implementation and impact of

youth participation mechanisms.

We demand that Member States:

● Adopt or update national legislation to create or recognise independent, representative

national youth councils with a defined consultative role on youth-relevant legislation and

budgets.

● Guarantee stable, multi-year public financing for youth councils and participation

infrastructures through transparent rules that protect independence and prevent undue influence.

● Establish or strengthen national youth parliaments with formal institutional links to

parliament, including mechanisms ensuring parliamentary committees respond to

adopted youth resolutions and report on follow-up actions.

● Protect civic space and youth organising by fully safeguarding freedom of association

and assembly in law and practice.

● Create monitoring and accountability mechanisms to track how youth participation

inputs are reflected in final policy decisions, including regular public reporting.

We as FYEG will:

● Develop and deploy a shared advocacy toolkit for Member Organisations to campaign

for the legal recognition, independence, and adequate funding of youth councils, youth

parliaments and student unions.

● Collect, consolidate and disseminate best practices on consultation rights,

accountability mechanisms, and public-authority response procedures.

● Work with Member Organisations to advocate for youth participation reforms at national

level, with a focus on the inclusion of marginalized youth and those facing intersecting

forms of discrimination.

We call on the Green political family to integrate these demands into political programmes and

legislative priorities at EU and national levels, ensuring their consistent implementation across

other levels of governance. We call on them to act decisively to defend civic space and youth

organisations against undue influence, recognising that independent youth representation is a

basic right of young people.

We call on national parliaments, governments, and local authorities to stop treating youth

participation as a temporary project and to legislate for permanent, inclusive and independent

youth participation bodies, backed by stable public funding and a guaranteed impact on decision-making.

Usually, when we talk about politics, we reflect on the past, we analyse the present and, most importantly, we envision the future we want. However, when it comes to building this future, we tend to fail to take a closer look at the most basic level, education, thereby overlooking the material conditions in which children and young people are being shaped. Across Europe, it cannot be denied that children and young people are not being granted full access to the necessary tools they need to thrive, both as individuals and as a society.

Nonetheless, education systems in Europe are not failing by accident: they are shaped by political choices. Insufficient and uneven funding, unequal access, disparities in educational standards across neighbourhoods, persistent social exclusion and the growing commodification of education are the direct result of systemic priorities that place the capitalist market logic above social justice and education. At the same time, these political decisions continue to prevent students from acquiring essential and valuable knowledge in terms of human development, such as notions of sexuality, emotional well-being, and democratic participation.

The first problem is that education can function as a driver of inequality. However, education can serve as its most powerful remedy. Despite this possibility, it currently reproduces existing social hierarchies. Whilst formal access to education is widely guaranteed across Europe, this access remains deeply unequal in practice. Thus, students from wealthier backgrounds benefit from structural advantages, ranging from private extra tuition to supportive learning environments and access to modern technological devices that enhance their learning process, while others face systemic barriers that limit their opportunities and prospects from an early age.

When dealing with these inequalities, we should broaden the focus and address these issues beyond the classroom. In this sense, access to extracurricular activities, such as sports, arts, or language learning plays a key role in cognitive development, social integration, mental wellbeing and, ultimately, in the students' future. However, these opportunities are increasingly shaped by purchasing power. Hence, children from unprivileged backgrounds are effectively excluded from spaces that are essential for their personal and social development, reinforcing class-based inequalities across generations.

A second main problem is the lack of education in key aspects such as education on diversity, environmental, social values and sex education. Against the far-right narrative that states that education must be reserved exclusively to parents, we claim that schools must not only teach knowledge and skills but also shape humans who can form a better society and co-educate alongside parents. Inclusion and respect of all kinds of diversity are not instilled in all centers.

In this sense, sexual education and education on sexual diversity are still not widely implemented over the EU. There is a conservative push against it: for instance, the recently developed policy in Italy, which under the Government of Meloni wanted to ban sex education. In the end the government settled for a restriction on sex-ed only allowing it when parents give permission. Sex education should be accessible to all and taught from a young age, starting with learning to deal with emotions and consent, respecting each other and ourselves to give children the ability to communicate better and be respectful with each other.

A third main issue is the lack of history education regarding the most recent developments and the origin of other countries and cultures. To have a better understanding of our society and the rich culture of every country, it would be fundamental to introduce historical teachings of native people‘s culture around the world. Focusing mainly on European history and neglecting native people‘s way of life leads to harmful and biased thinking. Fundamental to this is the teaching of democratic values and respect for other people, their culture and origin.

A fourth issue is the lack of education about climate change in close connection with social justice. It is essential to teach children about nature, animals and sustainability; respect for our planet and its fragile ecosystem. Ultimately, understanding the balance between nature and climate connects the topics of social and climate justice. The lack of contact with nature among urban kids is also a health and education absence that must be solved.

A fifth issue is the persistent educational disparities between rural and urban areas across Europe. Students attending school in rural regions often face limited access to specialised teachers, advanced courses and essential infrastructure. Not only do they have restricted possibilities of accessing libraries or laboratories but also the internet. In addition, extracurricular activities such as sports clubs or arts programmes are frequently scarce or absent, which may restrict both cognitive and social development. Furthermore, rural schools regularly struggle to attract and retain qualified teachers due to their remote location, leading to higher staff turnover and interruptions in learning continuity. Another factor is the lack of reliable public transport in a high proportion of rural areas, which exacerbates these inequalities, forcing students to travel long distances to attend day-to-day lessons. Across Europe, these structural barriers result in a tangible gap in educational outcomes and future prospects between rural and urban students (without prejudice to the latter and the structural short of investment in them), thereby further reinforcing generational inequalities shaped by one’s dwelling.

A sixth issue is the working conditions of teachers, which directly influences the quality of education. Many educators are underpaid and experience high workloads, which contributes to stress and a decline in educational quality. Having overburdened teachers with less time for lesson planning and student support affects learning outcomes, and this reality should not be overlooked. We acknowledge that teachers play a huge role in our system and want to ensure that they are supported and understood, although many issues have to be solved by a better family policy framework, allowing people to have time for their children again.

We call for attention to uneven provision of education across Europe, encompassing disparities in resources, extracurricular opportunities, and teacher conditions, as well as alarming gaps in instruction on diversity, social values, sexual education, climate and, ultimately, social justice. These factors shape the learning environment and determine the extent to which students can acquire both the knowledge and skills necessary for personal growth and active participation in society.

CALL TO ACTION:

We Call on the Council of Europe, European Union institutions, Member states and regional governments to:

• Invest in teacher training, affordable and high-quality school materials, and reducing student-teacher ratios

• Ensure that teachers are fairly remunerated (and without unjustified disparities), in accordance with national and regional necessities, and provided with continuous acquisition of knowledge in relation to diversity, history, climate, social justice, etc. Unions play an important role in this, and teacher’s access to them must be protected

• Reform assessment systems by replacing traditional grading with fair and holistic evaluations that reflect students’ actual learning and development

• Remove grade-based barriers to scholarships and traineeships in order to guarantee students’ achievement of their full potential and professional aspirations. Use an alternative selection method such as applications based on motivation letters and an exam that doesn’t require specific preparation to avoid punishing students who have barriers for exclusive dedication to studying.

• Create public and good quality distance and flexible education for people who work at the same time they study and offer same prices than for in-person public degrees

• Provide funding for low-income students who prepare exams to become civil servants as top positions in public administrations are usually covered by people from a privileged background, fueling inequality and causing institutions to be less representative of society.

• Ban unpaid internships and eliminate any cost students have to assume to do curricular internships

• Promote collaboration between different schools across regions and countries. Allow children from low income families to access EU mobility and educational programmes, such as Erasmus.

• Increase EU and Council of Europe funding for Erasmus+ activities and other kinds of short educational activities that help promote EU values, protection of the environment, human rights, etc.

• Help funding after school activities such as learning a new language or sports.Provide funding and support for extracurricular activities, including sports, arts, and language learning.

• Address rural and regional disparities by using tools such as the European Regional Development Funds in order to allocate resources to marginalised rural areas to reduce gaps in access, opportunities, and learning outcomes.

• Revise history curricula to avoid justification of previous crimes against human rights and prevent colonial views.

• Adapt schools to climate change by favoring natural presence around them to tackle rising temperatures and protect kids from excessive air pollution. Guarantee schools are well-equipped to be a safe and healthy learning environment which fosters well-being.

After the pioneer work in Oslo due to the influence of the Norwegian Green Party’s in the city council, climate budgeting as a framework was created and exported to governments and cities around the world. The idea was put into life ten years ago in the Norwegian city with the most ambitious climate target, and has been embraced also by the C40 initiative. C40 was founded in 2005 by 18 pioneering cities, and has now decided that its 96 cities, which represent 920 million people, shall all have climate budgeting by 2030. 17 of the cities in the initiative are in Europe. The resolution text will call for all European cities to join the initiative and implement the powerful tool of climate budgeting, which lets emissions to be counted like money.

International law exists to protect everyone, people and states, especially in an asymmetric geopolitical landscape where many small actors are challenged by few powerful empires.

Nevertheless, the effectiveness of international law is inversely proportional to the aggressiveness of imperial powers.

In fact, many promoted the illusion that modern empires will mutually balance their influence, resulting in a global state of substantial peace.

However, reality is different: while super powers will not engage in direct confrontation, they will express their violent imperialistic attitude against their neighbours.

In their eyes, international law is not valid within their regional sphere of influence, areas where they feel they can play with their own rules.

We can see the actualization of such tendency on all fronts:

• Russia invading Ukraine and claiming it does not even have the right to exist and dreaming of a Belarus-style subordinate regime, while interfering with democratic processes all over Europe, especially in the East

• The US taking Venezuela overnight, threatening to do the same with Cuba and arbitrarily targeting boats in the Caribbean, while aggressively undermining the sovereignty of historic allies such as Canada and Europe’s Greenland.

• We can see Israel, with the United States’ support and accordance, commit the barbaric destruction of Gaza and unlawful occupation of Transjordan and south Lebanon, including the violent strikes on Iran and central Lebanon.

• China, far from being the peaceful super power they claim to be, has already extended their sovereignty over Hong Kong and poses increasing pressure on Taiwan, with the explicit goal of annexation. It also commits severe human rights violations such as the persecution of Uyghurs with the EU turning a blind eye.

The pattern is clear: modern empires want to delegitimize international law and multilateral institutions with the goal of presenting themselves as the only legitimate authorities capable of providing security.

It’s a geopolitical oligarchy.

They want to create a world dominated by a few super powers, instead of an international community governed by law.

Today, reality suggests that they managed to break international law.

We have to fight this trend and call our governments to engage in the active protection of multilateral institutions.

In the end, international law is as effective as we allow it to be. In fact, although we might think international law is just an illusion, as Europeans, we are the living proof that sovereign states can coexist in harmony within a shared framework of norms and values.

Let’s acknowledge our privilege and let’s fight for a world where this is no longer a privilege, but rather the legal foundation of peaceful coexistence.

Nevertheless, when it comes to Europe, it should be noted that our continent plays a key role in the global political system. In this sense, Europe actively decides to be subordinated to the imperialist system led by major powers, such as the US and Russia. This can be seen when we purchase gas, oil and nuclear energy to the aforementioned countries.

Neocolonial powers, including Europe, get the raw materials that they need from other countries while exploiting them and their natural resources, while at the same time externalising the management of migratory fluxes.

When Human Rights are enforced within our continent but not outside, the hypocrisy of the EU emerges, for instance regarding Afghanistan’s women rights. Protecting international law also means protecting AFAB.

Finally, imperialism finds a non-regional dimension in the competition for space, replicating the East-West blocs opposition, perpetuating a climate of tension, and precluding real global safety and security.

In this competition, traditional state actors are joined by private corporations: so much power in the hands of individuals, rather than accountable institutions, is cause for concern, especially where a capacity to enact mass remote surveillance is concerned.

Therefore, as Young European Greens, we demand:

= The EU end all economic and political relations with states that violate human rights. We call on the EU to completely repeal the EU-Israel Association Agreement.

= Strengthen relations and unity within the EU and also paneuropean countries and strategic democratic partners to have a more powerful voice in the international scenario

= Enforcing a swift transition from fossil fuels to end reliance on authoritarian countries and guarantee energy independence

= Develop EU-technology, (explore the possibility of higher public ownership or control in these areas)

= International law has to be binding for every country. Democratic countries should explore measures to enforce it. For instance: protecting ICC officials from US sanctions.

= Strategic autonomy, we shouldn‘t rely on weaponry and external forces

= we urge European governments to refrain from engaging in the Board of Peace, a unilateral organisation created with the only aim of boosting a man’s ego and wallet

= that all political leaders face equal accountability for war crimes. ICC arrest warrants must be enforced without geopolitical bias, and any sanctions or pressure to obstruct the Court must be abolished.

=a fundamental reform of the UN Security Council, specifically the abolition of the Veto Power under Article 27 of the UN Charter. The veto must never be used to obstruct justice for war crimes or genocides. We support the "Veto Initiative" (UNGA Res 76/262) to ensure transparency and accountability.

= that all European states, immediately ratify the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). We insist that nuclear-armed states fulfill their disarmament obligations under Article VI of the NPT, moving beyond deterrence toward total elimination.

= absolute adherence to the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols.

= The European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) must remain the non-negotiable legal floor, and all states must comply with the rulings of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) without exception.

= the universal abolition of the death penalty. We call on all states to ratify the Second Optional Protocol to the ICCPR, using European diplomatic and trade relations as leverage to end this violation of the fundamental right to life.

= the legal recognition of the Right to Food and Clean Water under the ICESCR. We condemn starvation as a method of warfare (Art. 8, Rome Statute) and demand the strict regulation of commodity trading hubs to end neocolonial extractivism that exploits the Global South.

= that international law applies equally to all, regardless of power. We demand full support for the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the Rome Statute, including the protection of its officials from external sanctions and political interference.

= that states fulfill their obligation to protect human rights from climate change. Following the ECtHR ruling in KlimaSeniorinnen v. Switzerland, we affirm that Article 8 of the ECHR protects the right to a safe climate and demand science-based, legally binding targets for all.

For consultation. Last year's resolution on Defense and Security.

R3: Updated Young Green vision on European defense policy

The conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) cannot be reduced to isolated events or simplified narratives. Rather, it is the product of deeply rooted structural factors, including colonial legacies, regional power struggles, and the global demand for natural resources. Our aim is to provide a concise yet essential historical and contextual background. This overview underscores the continuity between past and present forms. It also situates the role of the EU, within a broader framework of responsibility, accountability, and policy coherence.

History

Belgium

Late 1860s, King Leopold II, king of Belgium, developed an early obsession with colonies as a prerequisite for making Belgium a “great power.” He presented his plans in international forums as humanitarian and scientific missions to combat slavery and bring “civilization” and Christianity, but historians agree that profit-seeking was the primary driving force.

Leopold granted large tracts of territory as concessions to private companies such as the Anglo-Belgian India Rubber Company and the Société Anversoise, which in return surrendered a portion of their profits. These companies were allowed to levy taxes in kind, organize forced labor, and deploy their own armed forces to enforce rubber quotas. As a result, large parts of the country were transformed into giant rubber plantations, where the population had to harvest rubber only to subsequently hand it over far below the world market price. The labor regime was characterized by extreme coercion, violence, and terror, especially in the rubber zones.

Historical and demographic estimates vary, but many studies speak about millions of deaths as a result of murders, hunger, overwork, disease, and declining birth rates during Leopold's reign.

Under heavy international pressure and growing Belgian political resistance, the Belgian state took the Congo Free State in 1908 over and transformed it into the Belgian Congo. At this time, the economic core shifted from rubber and ivory to mining: copper, cobalt, uranium, gold, and diamonds from regions such as Katanga and Kasaï became the focus. The Union Minière du Haut-Katanga (UMHK), was founded in 1906 as a joint venture with the Société Générale de Belgique and British partners, it became one of the most profitable mining companies in the world and controlled an estimated 70% of the Congolese economy. Companies such as UMHK and Belgian Congo Oil Mills developed their own paternalistic “state” : they built mining towns, hospitals, schools, and infrastructure, but under strict racial segregation and labor discipline. Profits flowed primarily to Belgian shareholders and holdings, while Congolese workers received low wages and remained subject to colonial control. A large part of the profits was used to urban projects in Belgium to finance, primarily in Brussels and the surrounding area. The Empain Group, Brufina (now ING Belgium), and de Cominière, all Belgian companies, controlled infrastructure, energy, and transport.

In Antwerp, during the 1885 and 1894 world exhibitions, “Congolese villages” displayed over a hundred Congolese people in degrading conditions. Used as propaganda by Leopold II, these exhibitions aimed to legitimize colonialism by reinforcing racist hierarchies and showing the so-called “civilizing work”, similar to the “human zoos” seen across Europe.

The independence of Congo on June 30, 1960, was barely prepared and created a power vacuum that ultimately led to the Congo Crisis and the assassination of Patrice Lumumba with involvement of the Belgian state and the CIA. Following Lumumba’s assassination and the gradual suppression of alternative governments, Mobutu finally came to power in 1965. He installed a long-lasting dictatorship (Zaire) that relied on patronage, repression, and close ties with Western states and companies in exchange for access to raw materials.

Rwanda

Colonial intervention profoundly disrupted the order in Rwanda. The borders, drawn without taking into account local realities, froze spaces that were previously interconnected, and thus became subject to new tensions. Influenced by anthropometry, a pseudoscience aimed at classifying and hierarchizing “races,” the colonial administration imposed a racialized reading of society. The Tutsis were then defined as coming from a people of herders of so-called “Hamitic” origin, supposedly superior to the Hutus and the Twas. This racialization of Rwandan society has major consequences o the genocide of the Tutsis in 1994 and up to today.

At the end of the 1950s, in a context of rising independence demands and under pressure from the United Nations, Belgium profoundly modified its policy in Rwanda. Whereas it had until then relied on Tutsi elites, it now chose to support the Hutu majority, considered more numerous and more docile. After independence, in 1962, Belgium continued to support Rwandan authorities dominated by the Hutus until the genocide, which lasted from April to July 1994 made at least 800,000 victims.

The Rwandan Genocide helps explain the current situation in the Kivu region, which, situated between Rwanda and the rest of the RDC, experienced a profound shift in its dynamics.

Current situation

On the ground

After the Rwandan genocide, rebel group composed mostly of ethnic Tutsis emerged called M23. It first launched a rebellion in 2012, briefly capturing Goma before being pushed back. The group has been inactive for years, but resurged in 2022 with renewed support from Rwanda. Rwanda's involvement is the most contentious element of the current conflict. Rwanda was accused of providing troops, weapons, and direct military support to M23, accusations that Rwanda denies. Rwanda's stated concern is the presence of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a Hutu military force with ties to the 1994 genocide, which operates in eastern DRC and has at times cooperated with the Congolese army.

In January 2025, M23 launched a major offensive and captured Goma. Rwandan troops reportedly fought alongside the rebels, a development that prompted the DRC to officially sever diplomatic ties with Rwanda. The human toll of this specific offensive was devastating. Estimates suggest that between 900 and 2,000 people were killed in the fighting, while hundreds of thousands of civilians were forced to flee. Although M23 declared a ceasefire in early February 2025, the occupation left the region in a state of high-stakes instability that persists into 2026. Rwanda and Uganda have intervened repeatedly, sometimes with genuine security concerns, with economic motives, turning the eastern DRC into a place for proxy warfare, where countries indirectly confront each other through military and economic support of different actors. Currently, 8.2 million people are displaced, projected to reach 9 million by end-2026, including 5.8 million internally displaced. Nearly 15 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance. Disease outbreaks, food insecurity, and sexual violence (use as a weapon of war) are extremely present.

EU relationships

The European Union’s raw materials partnerships

The European Union’s raw materials diplomacy is a central pillar of its industrial strategy, aimed at securing access to mineral reserves that are essential for European industry. To achieve this, the EU establishes strategic partnerships and policy dialogues. At the same time, the EU implemented the Conflict Minerals Regulation requiring EU companies to ensure their imports come from responsible sources only. However, these partnerships have encountered significant ethical and geopolitical problems, most notably regarding the EU-Rwanda strategic partnership, intended to develop "sustainable value chains", signed in February 2024. Reports from the United Nations and other international organizations suggest that minerals exported from Rwanda are often illicitly smuggled from the DRC, which is inextricably linked to violent activities.

Budgetary and military support to Rwanda

The EU provides military and budgetary assistance to Rwanda primarily through the European Peace Facility. The EU justifies this support as a commitment to "African solutions for African problems" and as a means to protect regional interests. However, this military support is highly controversial due to the lack of traceability of funds.

Demands :

We, as FYEG, call upon the EU, its member states, and the international community to:

• Create a unified, credible and effective response to the crisis in the DRC, which guarantees that diplomatic, humanitarian and economic actions are fully aligned and mutually reinforcing.

• Increase humanitarian aid to guarantee access to food, medical care, clean water, and the protection of displaced persons

• Take strong and decisive measures towards Rwanda to reflect the gravity of the reported violations

• Suspend the EU-Rwanda protocol on sustainable raw materials value chains

• Ensure that any future cooperation with Rwanda is done under strict and enhanced transparency requirements

• Strengthen EU regulation on conflict minerals to prevent financing armed groups through the illegal exploitation of natural resources.

• Stop all military cooperation with all parties involved in the conflict, where there is a clear risk that such equipment could be used to commit serious violations of international humanitarian law

• Increase targeted sanctions against individuals responsible for serious violations of humanitarian law

• Respect and support the decisions of the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights and the International Court of Justice in order to uphold international law and ensure accountability

• Cover their colonial history extensively in primary and secondary education.

• Develop a broad European awareness campaign regarding the traces of their colonial past.

• Implement measures to limit the use of natural resources used over the world.

• We call on the European Green Party for a common position based upon the above calls, to ensure a coherent, unified and effective response.

Bibliography (need to be completed)

Center for Preventive Action. (2026, February 18). Conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Global Conflict Tracker. Council on Foreign Relations. https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/conflict-democratic-republic-congo

Council of the European Union (2024). European Peace Facility: Council tops up support to the deployment of the Rwanda Defence Force to fight terrorism in Cabo Delgado. Available at: https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2024/11/18/european-peace-facility-council-tops-up-support-to-the-deployment-of-the-rwanda-defence-force-to-fight-terrorism-in-cabo-delgado/

Council of the European Union (2025). Democratic Republic of the Congo: Statement by the High Representative on behalf of the EU on the latest escalation in eastern DRC. Available at: https://www.consilium.europa.eu/fr/press/press-releases/2025/01/25/democratic-republic-of-the-congo-statement-by-the-high-representative-on-behalf-of-the-eu-on-the-latest-escalation-in-eastern-drc/pdf/

Democracy in Africa (2024). The bad politics behind the new EU €20 million for Rwanda. Available at: https://democracyinafrica.org/the-bad-politics-behind-the-new-eu-e20-million-for-rwanda/

European Commission (n.d.). Conflict minerals regulation. Available at: https://policy.trade.ec.europa.eu/development-and-sustainability/conflict-minerals-regulation_en

European Commission (n.d.). Raw materials diplomacy. Available at: https://single-market-economy.ec.europa.eu/sectors/raw-materials/areas-specific-interest/raw-materials-diplomacy_en

European Commission. (2026). Democratic Republic of the Congo. European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations. https://civil-protection-humanitarian-aid.ec.europa.eu/where/africa/democratic-republic-congo_en

European External Action Service (n.d.). European Union Special Representative for the Great Lakes Region Johan Borgstam in his third mission to Angola. Available at: https://www.eeas.europa.eu/delegations/angola/european-union-special-representative-great-lakes-region-johan-borgstam-his-third-mission-angola_en

EUobserver (2011). The EU’s Rwanda raw materials deal: Profits before Congolese lives. Available at: https://euobserver.com/31995/the-eus-rwanda-raw-materials-deal-profits-before-congolese-lives/

European Parliament, Motion for a Resolution on the escalation of violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (RC-B10-0102/2025), RC-10-2025-0102_EN, 10 February 2025. Available at: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/RC-10-2025-0102_EN.html (Accessed: 14 April 2026)

Greens/EFA (2024). EU’s silence on Congo-Rwanda conflict becoming deafening. Available at: https://www.greens-efa.eu/en/article/press/eus-silence-on-congo-rwanda-conflict-becoming-deafening

Human Rights Watch (2025). Enough red flags have been ignored: EU must reconsider Rwanda relations. Available at: https://www.hrw.org/news/2025/03/28/enough-red-flags-have-been-ignored-eu-must-reconsider-rwanda-relations

Institut français des relations internationales (IFRI) (n.d.). The United Nations mission in the Congo or the exemplary uselessness of peacekeepers. Available at: https://www.ifri.org/fr/notes/la-mission-des-nations-unies-au-congo-ou-lexemplaire-inutilite-des-casques-bleus

Lawal, S. (2025, February 4). A guide to the decades-long conflict in DR Congo. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/2/21/a-guide-to-the-decades-long-conflict-in-dr-congo

The Right to Be Lazy: Dismantling the Capitalist Narrative of Relentless Work

Preamble

The Federation of Young European Greens (FYEG)...

• Acknowledges that the prevailing capitalist work culture prioritizes relentless economic growth over human well-being, driving individuals and society to exhaustion rather than emancipation.

• Notes that while the European Union boasts an overall employment rate of 75.8% for 2024, this relentless pursuit of employment targets often ignores the degrading structural quality of those jobs and the fundamental well-being of the populace.

• Is deeply concerned that workers' rights across Europe have plummeted to their worst level in at least a decade, with 54% of European countries now denying workers basic access to justice, and 41% violating the fundamental right to establish and join a trade union.

• Emphasizes that the burden of this capitalist system falls unevenly across demographics, evidenced by a persistent 10.0 percentage point gender employment gap across the EU that widens to 12.0 percentage points as workers age, and reaches severe extremes of 19.3 percentage points in countries like Italy.

• Reaffirms our commitment to Green values of social justice, feminism, and intersectionality, recognizing that an economy driven by overproduction and endless labor actively destroys both human well-being and the planet's ecological balance.

Political Analysis

The Systemic Crisis of Overwork The capitalist system thrives on a narrative that glorifies endless labor while ignoring its structural harms. This framework benefits a select few property owners while harming the broader public, who are pressured to dedicate their lives entirely to productivity. Modern flexible working arrangements, rather than freeing society, have increasingly given rise to widespread precariousness and new inequalities. The historical demand for the "Right to Work" has frequently been manipulated as a tool for continued capitalist exploitation rather than human liberation.

The Erosion of Labor Protections While the capitalist class demands infinite productivity, it actively dismantles the structures protecting workers. The European Commission is currently pushing a dangerous deregulation drive that would strip away vital labor law protections and undermine collective agreements for workers. Concurrently, governments and employers are ruthlessly cracking down on labor organizing, exacerbated by the rise of far-right political movements that actively attack the right to strike.

The Paradox of Machinery and Over-Qualification Modern machinery and technological advancement possess boundless productive power that should drastically reduce working hours for everyone. Instead of utilizing automation to redeem society from the most arduous labor and grant days of rest, capitalism forces workers into an absurd competition with machines, leading to systemic overproduction and economic instability. Furthermore, the system fails to utilize human potential appropriately; currently, 21.4% of EU workers are over-qualified, trapped in jobs beneath their educational and skill levels just to survive the demands of the labor market.

Call to action

FYEG demands a radical societal shift away from the dogma of endless economic growth and labor. We must pursue sweeping reductions in the standard working week without loss of pay, striving toward the ultimate goal of drastically reduced work hours.

Member Organisations (MOs) must advocate nationally for the equitable rationing of work to provide all citizens with the leisure necessary for true human and civic development. We commit to sharing best practices across our network to challenge the moralistic narrative that equates human worth solely with economic productivity.

The Green political family should integrate demands for technological dividends into their legislative programs. We demand that the efficiencies gained through automation and artificial intelligence be translated directly into increased leisure time for workers, rather than exclusively generating profits for capitalists.

FYEG calls upon the European Commission to abandon its deregulation agenda and urgently bring forward a Quality Jobs Package. This package must implement rules ensuring that public procurement money only goes to companies that strictly respect collective agreements.

We urge our Member Organisations to collaborate with trade unions and organized civil society to build national campaigns resisting the capitalist narrative of relentless labor. We must replace it with the demand for the right to leisure, prioritizing rest and well-being for all demographics.

We mandate the Green political family to champion these demands in all future electoral platforms, ensuring accountability in the transition toward an economy that leverages technological dividends to reduce working hours and protect the social rights of all citizens.

Sources:

Directorate-General for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion. (n.d.). European Pillar of Social Rights Action Plan. European Commission.

European Trade Union Confederation. (2025, June 2). Workers’ rights in Europe at ‘worst level’ in a decade signals need for policy overhaul.

Eurostat. (n.d.). Employment - annual statistics. Statistics Explained.

Eurostat. (n.d.). EU statistics on income and living conditions (EU-SILC) methodology - Intersections between sub-populations of Europe 2030 indicators on poverty and social exclusion. Statistics Explained.

Eurostat. (n.d.). Living conditions in Europe - work intensity. Statistics Explained.

International Trade Union Confederation. (2025). Global Rights Index 2025.

Lafargue, P. (2023). The right to be lazy and other writings (A. Andriesse, Trans.). New York Review Books. (Original work published 1883).

Holding EU Trading Partners Accountable: Prioritising Human Rights Over Corporate Profit

Preamble

The Federation of Young European Greens (FYEG)...

• Is deeply concerned by the European Union's continued perpetuation of trade agreements that actively infringe upon our foundational political values and human rights commitments.

• Acknowledges that the international rules-based order is rapidly eroding as current economic policies consistently prioritize profit and market access over the well-being and fundamental rights of populations. As young greens, we have a profound responsibility to challenge this structural injustice.

• Demands an intersectional, values-based approach to international relations where human rights conditionality is absolute, and where the EU utilizes its vast economic leverage to protect the vulnerable rather than rewarding authoritarianism.

This motion addresses the systemic failure of the EU to hold its international trading partners accountable. The current geopolitical landscape demonstrates a clear overestimation of the importance of trade over the good quality of life of citizens, benefiting a few wealthier actors at the expense of marginalized communities.

The hypocrisy of our current system is glaringly evident in our bilateral relations. The EU remains Israel's biggest trading partner, with bilateral trade in goods amounting to €42.6 billion in 2024.

Rather than leveraging the overarching EU-Israel Association Agreement to demand an end to human rights violations, the EU relies on a weak "Technical Arrangement" that merely denies tariff preferences to settlement goods based on postal codes.

Similarly, the EU eagerly concluded the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) with China in principle in December 2020, ignoring alleged severe human rights abuses in Xinjiang. The deal was only halted after China imposed direct counter-sanctions on European Parliament members.

Furthermore, in the proposed EU-US Agreement on Reciprocal, Fair, and Balanced Trade, the EU explicitly committed to ensuring that critical accountability frameworks, such as the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD), the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD), and the Regulation on Deforestation-free Products (EUDR), would not pose "undue restrictions" on transatlantic trade. This demonstrates a systemic willingness to trade away our environmental and human rights standards for tariff reductions.

Political Analysis

The Structural Injustice of Profit-Driven Trade The core structural injustice driving our trade policy is the blatant subordination of human rights and environmental limits to corporate interests. The neoliberal framework assumes that unhindered market access is the ultimate political goal. By actively agreeing to provide "flexibilities" for US companies regarding our Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and corporate accountability directives, the EU proves that its theoretical hard lines are easily erased by the prospect of economic gain. This system concentrates wealth and power while exporting the violence of climate degradation and human rights abuses to those least able to defend themselves.

The Illusion of Technical Accountability Current mechanisms for holding trading partners accountable are superficial and administratively focused, rather than politically transformative. The EU's reliance on postal codes to differentiate between products originating in Israel and those from occupied settlements is a technical fix for a profound moral failing. Such arrangements utterly fail to address the reality that these massive economic ties normalize, facilitate, and fund systemic oppression. Similarly, the CAI negotiations revealed that EU leaders were naive or willfully ignorant regarding China's human rights record, proving that current diplomatic dialogues do not produce tangible protections for oppressed populations.

The Youth Perspective on International Law For young people witnessing the global rise of authoritarianism, values are the core of our political resistance. International human rights and environmental laws only function if every actor believes they have a tangible, enforceable impact on international relations. When the EU actively compromises these values in major trade deals, it erodes public trust and renders international law ineffective. True security and prosperity require a systemic change that centers climate justice, democracy, and anti-racism over unrestricted economic growth.

Call to Action

We demand concrete, decisive action from European institutions and our political family to restore accountability:

• We urge the European Commission and the European Council to immediately suspend the EU-Israel Association Agreement. We note that technical arrangements regarding settlement tariffs are vastly insufficient; all trade privileges must be revoked until international human rights laws are fully respected.

• We call on the European Parliament to officially and permanently terminate the ratification process of the EU-China CAI. The EU must not ratify any investment pact with a state actively committing systemic human rights abuses.

• We demand that the European Commission refuses to implement the EU-US trade agreement unless critical legislation like the CSDDD, CSRD, and EUDR are fully enforced without exceptions for US corporations.

• We call upon the Green political family to integrate strict, binding human rights and climate conditionality clauses into all future and existing trade agreements within their political programmes, and to act aggressively in legislative processes to enforce these red lines.

• We commit FYEG Member Organisations (MOs) to advocate nationally for values-based trade policies. MOs will work alongside local civil society to share best practices, expose the structural injustices of current bilateral agreements, and mobilize youth across Europe to demand trade justice.

In conclusion, the FYEG stands for a world where international trade is a powerful tool for global equity, not a convenient shield for human rights abusers. The current structural failure, prioritizing corporate profit and market access over human lives and our ecological boundaries, must end. To secure a just and sustainable future, the European Union must aggressively utilize its economic leverage to hold trading partners accountable, thereby defending and strengthening the international rules-based order for generations to come.

Sources:

Agreement on Reciprocal, Fair, and Balanced Trade. (n.d.). In Wikipedia. Retrieved April 15, 2026.

Chen, T., Whittard, R., & Ashley, E. (2026, April 2). Feta, Ouzo, Glera: key changes under the Australia–EU trade agreements.

Comprehensive Agreement on Investment. (n.d.). In Wikipedia. Retrieved April 15, 2026.

Directorate-General for Trade and Economic Security. (n.d.). EU trade relations with Israel. Facts, figures and latest developments. European Commission,.

Rawnsley, J. (2026, March 26). European Parliament gives conditional approval to EU-US trade deal. BBC News.

Hope is green — but hope alone will not hold back floodwaters, stop megafires, or prevent hillsides from collapsing.

Across Europe, especially in the Mediterranean basin, the climate crisis is no longer a warning but a lived reality. The 1.5°C objective is slipping out of reach. Emissions continue to rise, fossil fuel expansion persists, and political courage remains insufficient.

From floods in Valencia to landslides in Sicily and megafires across Southern and Central Europe, the pattern is clear. Climate impacts are intensifying and unevenly distributed. Inland, mountainous, and rural territories — often politically invisible — are on the frontline.

These regions are already strained by austerity, depopulation, and extractivist land use. Small farmers, forest workers, and elderly populations are paying the highest price for a crisis they did not create. Where infrastructure is fragile and public services weakened, climate breakdown becomes a multiplier of injustice.

Climate adaptation is therefore not a technical adjustment, but a matter of justice. Mitigation remains essential, but it will not protect communities already facing irreversible impacts. Adaptation must become a central political priority, rooted in care, solidarity, and structural transformation. This crisis is not only environmental but systemic. It is rooted in capitalism, which is inherently structured around extractivism, where ecosystems are treated as infinite resources to be exploited in the pursuit of continuous growth. Such a model reinforces territorial and class inequalities, and undermines the resilience of the very systems on which it relies on.

Addressing this crisis requires a systemic transformation and a shift towards approaches that overcome this perpetual growth, such as the doughnut economy, which understands and prioritises ecological limits, redistribution and collective well-being over accumulation and profit

Europe’s inland territories are not spaces to abandon or exploit — they are essential socio-ecological infrastructures that require Care.

Inland areas sustain biodiversity and provide vital ecosystem services: water regulation, soil regeneration, pollination, climate regulation, and protection against extreme events. Their resilience is directly linked to that of the entire continent.

Yet these systems are under growing pressure. Rising temperatures, prolonged droughts, and extreme events interact with habitat fragmentation and resource overexploitation. Ecosystems are weakening as socio-economic vulnerabilities deepen.

Fragile systems also mean rising tensions, including conflicts between human activities and wildlife. These conflicts reflect policy failures — lack of coordination, scientific grounding, and community participation — not ecological imbalance.

Inland territories must be recognised as both vulnerable spaces and strategic laboratories for ecocentric adaptation. Healthy ecosystems, ecological connectivity, and resilient agroecological systems are among the most effective defenses against climate impacts.

Adaptation cannot be reduced to technological fixes or urban-centric policies. It must be grounded in the care of socio-ecological systems and the interdependence between communities and their environments.

Agriculture is central to this vision as a foundational socio-ecological infrastructure. Caring for agricultural systems means recognising soil as a common good. Soil degradation, erosion, and loss of organic matter are reducing the capacity of land to retain water and withstand shocks, while monocultures increase vulnerability.

A transition toward agroecological practices is essential: crop diversification, soil restoration, improved water retention, and reduced dependence on unsustainable irrigation. Farmers must be supported in adapting to climate change, including through resilient crop varieties.

Rural landscapes are also protective infrastructures. Hedges, terraces, woodlands, and small water networks are essential defenses against hydrogeological instability, desertification, and biodiversity loss.

Without a public strategy centered on care, inland territories risk losing not only economic viability, but also identity, cohesion, and future prospects. A different path exists: one of Care, where these areas become laboratories of socio-ecological adaptation and collective well-being.

We call on European institutions to recognise the central role of inland territories in the climate transition and adopt a justice-driven approach to adaptation based on care, resilience, and participation.

We therefore demand:

• Recognition of inland, rural, and mountainous areas as pillars of European climate resilience within EU adaptation and cohesion policies;

• Large-scale programmes for ecosystem restoration and ecological connectivity in inland territories;

• Structural investment in environmental monitoring, ecological restoration, and qualified green jobs;

• Coexistence programmes between human activities and wildlife based on prevention, science, and community participation;

• Recognition of agriculture as a core socio-ecological infrastructure for climate resilience and food sovereignty;

• A European framework for soil protection as a common good, including targets on organic matter, erosion prevention, and water retention;

• Support for agroecological transitions based on diversification, soil regeneration, and reduced vulnerability to climate shocks;

• Investment in water resilience in agriculture, including soil moisture retention and less water-intensive production models;

• Support for farmers through access to resilient crops, technical assistance, and locally adapted knowledge;

• Recognition and restoration of rural landscapes as protective infrastructures against desertification, floods, and biodiversity loss;

• Programmes strengthening farmers as custodians of socio-ecological systems, including training and green jobs;

• Integration of agricultural adaptation into EU climate and cohesion policies;

• Alignment of agricultural, environmental, and rural policies toward resilient, non-extractive systems;

• Meaningful involvement of farmers and rural communities in adaptation strategies.

Adaptation is not optional. It is the ground on which climate justice will either stand or fail. To care for inland territories is to care for Europe’s future — without this shift, we will remain trapped in permanent emergency, reacting to crises instead of preventing them.

Beyond mass incarceration: towards a transformation of justice systems in Europe

Preamble

Justice lies at the core of the political project of the Federation of Young European Greens (FYEG) and its member organisations. As such, prisons cannot remain a political blind spot. Whether we like it or not, they are one the cornerstones of our judicial systems in Europe. We believe that the way societies deprive individuals of liberty reflects their understanding of justice, dignity and democracy. As such, the situation is particularly worrying in Europe at the moment. The European Parliament has highlighted persistent shortcomings in detention conditions, which may violate fundamental rights and undermine trust between judicial systems. Additionally, European data shows that a significant number of prison systems operate under conditions of overcrowding. ECHR decisions regarding the right to dignity of prisoners periodically illustrate the structural tendency of bad treatments, racists behaviours and negation of social and civic rights of prisoners (Ştefănoaia, 2025).

This situation is not merely the result of technical failures. It reflects the structural limits of a penal model that continues to rely on incarceration as a primary response to social, economic and political issues that it fails to resolve sustainably. FYEG already supports alternatives to imprisonment, rehabilitation and reintegration. This resolution aims to deepen this commitment by developing a political analysis of the European carceral system and promoting concrete and transformative alternatives, as almost 500 000 people were incarcerated in Europe in 2023 (Eurostat, 2025).

Following Pierre Kropotkin, “You can’t improve a prison.” (Kropotkine, 1887). The goal here is not to suggest minor changes to make it a little worse, but to find another path regarding the way actions that are undermining our communities' well-being must be dealt with. Indeed, some actions or deficiencies done by individuals are indubitably detrimental to our communities. We can’t just demand the abolition of prisons without considering a serious political answer beyond it.

Political Analysis

The current European carceral system is not a neutral instrument of justice. It is shaped by political, economic and institutional choices that determine who is punished, how, and why. As Angela Davis underlines, prisons seem to be an “inevitable and permanent feature of our social lives” (Davis, 2003); it is important to denaturalise this way of doing justice. Prisons are the symptom of a broader failure: societies addressing social vulnerabilities through punishment rather than prevention, care, redistribution and inclusion. It relies on a systemic shift happening since the end of the XVIIIth Century, with the aim to discipline society (Foucault, 1977). The failure is therefore systemic, not limited to the prison system itself.

European data shows that incarceration rates vary significantly between countries and do not directly correlate with crime levels. This confirms that imprisonment is primarily a political choice.

Carceral systems reproduce and intensify existing inequalities. They disproportionately affect working-class individuals, racialised communities and those facing social or psychological vulnerability. An intersectional perspective reveals how these dynamics are embedded in broader power structures.

Furthermore, prison systems often fail to achieve their stated goals. Overcrowding, poor detention conditions and difficulties in reintegration highlight the structural limitations of incarceration as a central policy response.

For young generations, this issue is critical. It raises a fundamental question: whether Europe will continue to rely on punitive systems, or move towards models based on prevention, social justice and human dignity. These factors can only lead us to adopt a clear and radical anti-prison stance. However, our political responsibility means we cannot stop at this observation alone; we must also put forward concrete solutions.

European prison systems are reaching a breaking point. Overcrowding, degrading conditions and policy inefficiencies demonstrate the limits of a punitive model.

We call on European institutions, governments, political actors and civil society to engage in a structural transformation of justice systems. This requires moving beyond incremental reforms and rethinking responses to harm through dignity, prevention and social justice.

On the fringes, some experiments show that another approach is possible. For instance, the Scottish Government decided to drastically reduce short prison sentences, and instead focus on prevention policies to reduce reoffending. It relies on Community Payback Orders and providing good health treatment and accommodation to the convicted person (Freeman & Glyn, 2016). Nordic Countries (Denmark, Sweden, Finland and Norway), where the imprisonment rate is the lowest in Europe, have developed several alternatives to imprisonment, through Community Sanctions like community service or treatment orders (Lappi-Seppälä, 2019).

While these examples still rely on the idea of governing bodies and behaviours (, it gets out of the prison-centric penal system, which is a first step towards a prison-free Europe. For our generation, the choice is clear: building a Europe that protects without reproducing inequality.

Call to action

We as Federation of Young European Greens call to:

• Clearly establish that advocating for abolition requires thinking about the after-prison realities or the alternatives to the current systems.

• Identify the relevant actors in instances of the European Union and the European Convention on Human Rights.

• Address this topic on an European legislative level.

• Train activists and political actors of all kinds to the question of incarceration and how to address its issues. In collaboration with concerned collectives and participants of the political criticism of the system, these trainings should aim at planning actions to gather support for a positive change in our systems.

We, the Federation of Young European Greens, call for:

Member States to:

• Reduce reliance on incarceration, particularly for non-violent offences;

• Expand and fund alternatives to detention (restorative justice, non-custodial sanctions);

• Invest in prevention policies (mental health, housing, social support);

• ensure detention conditions comply with European standards;

• improve transparency and data collection.

The European Union to:

• strengthen its indirect role regarding detention conditions through existing instruments;

• support the development of common standards on alternatives to imprisonment;

• fund research and exchange of best practices;

• ensure that EU funding does not reinforce over-incarceration.

The Council of Europe and monitoring bodies to:

• reinforce monitoring of detention conditions;

• ensure effective implementation of existing standards;

• document systemic violations of fundamental rights.

The Green political family to:

• integrate a clear critique of mass incarceration into political programmes;

• promote restorative and transformative justice approaches;

• link carceral issues with broader social and democratic struggles.

FYEG Member Organisations to:

• develop national advocacy strategies;

• build expertise on carceral issues;

• collaborate with civil society actors, especially those directly involving prisoners or former prisoners;

• share best practices across Europe.

References

Davis, Angela Y. 2003. Are Prisons Obsolete? Open Media Ser. Seven Stories Press.

Eurostat. 2025. « Prison capacity and number of persons held ». https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/databrowser/view/CRIM_PRIS_CAP__custom_16514342/default/table?lang=en.

Freeman, Ruth, & Glyn Lloyd. 2016. « A research approach to support the empowerment of alternatives to prison ». Rivista di Criminologia, Vittimologia e Sicurezza, n^o X, 3, 2016 (décembre). https://doi.org/10.14664/rcvs/635.

Foucault, Michel. 1977. Discipline and punish: the birth of the prison. Pantheon Books.

Kropotkin, Petr Alekseevich. 1887. In Russian and French Prisons. University of California Libraries. London, Ward and Downey. http://archive.org/details/inrussianfrenchp00kroprich.

Ştefănoaia, Mihai. 2025. « Criminal Justice and Human Dignity: A European Perspective on the Limits of Punitive Power in Light of ECHR Jurisprudence ». European Journal of Law and Public Administration 12 (1): 69‑77.

The Federation of Young European Greens (FYEG) recognises threats to media freedom and independence.

The organisation “Reporters without borders” (RSF) classifies media freedom around the world and has detected an increase of dangers for journalists in European countries. The worst situation is faced in many eastern European countries.

A report by RSF also finds that there is pressure on public broadcasters in half of the member states. This pressure has mostly a political nature, as governments try to interfere in political reporting. An example of this situation is the Italian broadcaster Rai. The members of the supervisory board change with every new legislature and reflect the majority ratios in the parliament. This has created a public broadcaster that often serves as a mouthpiece for the government. An even worse situation is faced in Hungary, where Duna Média has become a propaganda machine under the Orbán government.

As it is clear that European institutions cannot and should not interfere with reporting in the single member states, the EU should guarantee the independence of public broadcasters, which should be reporting neutrally and not for the single governments.

The EU should impose on public broadcasters of all member states to fulfill certain criteria to guarantee independent and balanced reporting. Governments should guarantee editorial independence from the Supervisory board and establish transparent and objective access mechanisms for journalists who work in public broadcasters.

As public service media belongs to every citizen, it must be given prominence on all digital interfaces. Quality journalism is often buried behind advertisements and bot-driven trends in search engines. Public service media must have the right to findability to be shown under the top search results. In addition, search engines and social media platforms should be obligated to ensure algorithmic neutrality towards democratic content to prevent preferential treatment towards certain media.

Furthermore, the EU should work to build and maintain independent European digital infrastructures to reduce reliance on US companies. TV-networks like “arte” should be expanded to other European countries and be supported to reach a bigger audience and contribute to European integration through common media platforms.

It is important to not just look at the public media but also to media plurality in the private sector. In some territories, the media landscape is dominated almost exclusively by large media groups. In South Tyrol, for instance, Athesia covers more than 80% of the media landscape and is the media outlet receiving most public funds in Italy. These conditions make it very hard for independent media to work properly and reach an audience. In addition, public discussions are primarily conducted by these large media groups, influencing the political climate in the region.

In the last few years, the quantity of misinformation and fake news has seen a considerable increase. A major deterioration happened during the COVID-19 pandemic, fuelled by the spreading of conspiracy "theories". Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine is another area that has given rise to disinformation in Europe. It has also been proven that the Kremlin has used bot-farms and corruption to influence European elections, such as in Moldova or Hungary. FYEG acknowledges the European Digital Media Observatory’s critical work, as it shows that the EU has started to fight misinformation. Nevertheless, disinformation campaigns continue to evade accountability, particularly on social media platforms that fail to act on EDMO’s findings.

Another problem is that many media outlets have lost trust as they are accused of pro-government reporting, especially those receiving public financing. These critics can be justified, as public financing guided by the government may impair independent journalism. It is fundamental that everyone has accessible information about public financing to media outlets.

In countries like Italy, so-called SLAPP suits are used to censor, intimidate and silence critics. Even if the plaintiff does not expect to win the lawsuit, this burdens journalists with time and costs for a legal defence. This is a serious limitation of press freedom, as these lawsuits lead to intimidation, exhaustion and often to self-censorship.

Journalists working in war zones and conflict areas face unprecedented risks, including targeted killings, arbitrary detention, digital surveillance, and psychological warfare. The Russian invasion of Ukraine, conflicts in Southwest Asia, and authoritarian crackdowns in regions like Belarus and Turkey have made journalism one of the most dangerous professions in the world. Beyond physical threats, journalists are increasingly targeted by spyware (e.g., Pegasus), legal persecution, and economic precarity, and the prohibition of access to war zones, forcing many into self-censorship or exile. The impunity for crimes against journalists - around 85% of murders remaining unpunished according to UNESCO - further emboldens perpetrators. While many examples arise, Israel is one of the worst, having killed 86 journalists in 2025 from a total of 129 globally according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). Without robust protections, independent reporting from conflict zones will disappear, leaving war crimes and human rights abuses uncovered and unchallenged.

FYEG also acknowledges the importance of media literacy for a functioning democratic society. Education is the best way to help young people grow into well-informed citizens that can distinguish fake news from good information and populism from well-researched social-media content. Digital and media literacy also includes the identification of bots, the verification of sources and the understanding of algorithmic bias.

With all this in mind, we, the Federation of Young European Greens demand that:

• The EU should obligate member states to guarantee an independent financing of public broadcasters through licence fees.

• Public broadcasters are owned by an independent foundation, which is overseen by a supervisory board. The number of politically nominated representatives should not exceed a third and should represent both the voted-in majority and the opposition as equally as possible. To fully represent the diversity of the country, the rest should be filled with representatives of civil society, such as trade unions, religious communities, universities, young people, minorities such as migrants and representatives of economic and cultural groups. The foundation’s supervisory board should not interfere in editorial decisions.

• The Supervisory boards of the public broadcasters themselves should not have any politically nominated members but should be elected among the broadcasters’ staff and civil society representatives.

• Public service media create independent ombudspeople with binding powers to investigate censorship, block political interference, and enforce editorial independence.

• Public broadcasters should build and maintain independent European digital infrastructures such as a European streaming platform to reduce dependence from US tech-companies.

• A 'Right to Findability' for Public Service Media is established on all digital interfaces and that Algorithmic Neutrality is ensured for democratic content.

• Social media companies must be legally required to label AI-generated content and prioritize verified public service media in algorithms during elections and crises.

• Social media platforms should be obligated to rigorously delete messages spreading hate and racism through content moderators.

• The EU and member states establish mandatory transparency rules for online platforms to expose and dismantle bot farms and disinformation networks, particularly those linked to foreign interference in elections.

• The EU should empower the European Digital Media Observatory (EDMO) with enforcement tools, including mandatory platform cooperation and fines for non-compliance. Funding for EDMO’s local hubs must be increased and social media companies must be legally required to act on its findings.

• European funding that supports independent journalism should be allocated. The size of the funding should be in proportion to media quality ranking assessments, guaranteeing a stronger support for media in countries with a more critical situation.

• Journalists should be protected from SLAPP suits through the full implementation of the EU Anti-SLAPP Directive by 2027. The EU should put pressure on countries like Italy and Hungary, which are delaying transposition into national law.

• The protection for journalists who work in warzones or critical situations should be strengthened. The EU Magnitsky Act should be used to sanction states and actors that target journalists. Governments should push for ICC investigations into attacks on media workers as war crimes.

• Governments should allow digital and media literacy to become a core component of public education from primary school level through university.

• The European Commission should launch a sector inquiry into regional media markets, similar to the EU Digital Markets Act inquiry into tech monopolies.

• The EU and national governments should develop criteria for “media diversity”. Companies holding more than a certain percentage of regional media control in terms of audience and advertising revenue should be required to sell off parts of its business.

Media freedom is under pressure. Journalists face bullets in Gaza, censorship in Russia, SLAPP suits in Italy. FYEG refuses to accept this as the new normal. We demand a Europe where public broadcasters serve the public, where truth outweighs propaganda, and where no journalist risks their life for doing their job. Our fight for media freedom is a fight for democracy.

WE EXIST - A EU WIDE THIRD LEGAL GENDER MARKER

The Federation of Young European Greens proposes to introduce a third legal gender marker within the European Union.

A third, non-binary legal gender option will be established alongside existing gender markers across the European Union. Legal recognition should be based on self-declaration, respecting the right to self-determination. This would give individuals the opportunity to define their own gender.

A non-binary, third legal gender marker would guarantee the right to live outside the binary division of man and woman. Everyone must have the right to be recognized as their authentic self before the law. To achieve this goal, relevant EU institutions and Member States should initiate legislative processes to enable the adoption and harmonization of a non-binary legal gender marker and ensure its consistent recognition across the Union.

1. Justifications

1.1 Right to Self-Determination and Equality

A non-binary legal gender marker would strengthen the self-determination and equality of individuals belonging to gender minorities. It would make visible a significant group of people who do not identify as either women or men. The current binary system maintains a narrow understanding of gender and excludes non-binary individuals. This leads to misgendering and increases discrimination and social invisibility.

1.2 Legislation and International Context

Gender diversity is increasingly recognized within European legal frameworks that prohibit discrimination based on gender identity and expression (European Commission, 2020). Currently, public authorities, employers, and education providers are expected to prevent discrimination and actively promote equality (European Commission, 2020). Introducing a non-binary legal gender marker would align Member States with broader EU principles of fundamental rights. While many jurisdictions still limit legal recognition to a binary system, several EU countries have already introduced a third marker, including Malta, Germany, Austria, the Netherlands, and Denmark (Equaldex, 2026; Holzer, 2018). Expanding this approach across the EU would promote consistency and equal treatment between Member States.

In line with the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), individuals have the right to accurate and up-to-date personal data in official records (Holzer, 2018). Hence for non-binary individuals the gender based data is not accurate and up-to-date as the official records are not providing the X marker therefore violating GDPR.

1.3 Well-being and Reduction of Discrimination

Heteronormative and binary gender norms contribute to minority stress and increased risks of discrimination, violence, and mental health challenges for gender-diverse individuals. A non-binary legal marker allows individuals to be recognized as their authentic selves, which has been shown to significantly improve well-being and health (European Commission, 2020). Many gender non-conforming individuals report a sense of "at last being seen" and validated by the state once they obtain legal recognition (European Commission, 2020).

1.4 Education, Authorities, and Services

Legal developments in gender recognition encourage increased awareness and competence regarding gender diversity among healthcare providers, educators, and social service professionals (European Commission, 2020). Updating statistical systems and administrative practices to reflect diverse identities improves service accessibility and strengthens trust in public institutions across the European Union (European Commission, 2020; Holzer, 2018).

2.Recommendations Based on Malta’s Model

The Federation of Young European Greens therefore calls for the principles of the Maltese model, a proposed EU-wide framework should include:

• Adopt a model allowing individuals to change their legal gender through a simple administrative process. Without medical, psychological, or age-based requirements (European Commission, 2020).

• Introduces an "X" marker on official documents (IDs, passports, residence permits) to represent "unspecified" or "undeclared" gender (Holzer, 2018). Gender markers should be removed from documents where they are unnecessary, such as driving licenses (Holzer, 2018).

• Align with International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) standards to ensure cross-border mobility (Holzer, 2018). To prevent travel barriers caused by binary reservation systems, states should provide practical solutions, such as the option to hold two passports (one binary, one "X") (Holzer, 2018).

• Allowing parents to postpone the gender registration of newborns until the child’s 18th birthday, enabling them to determine their own legal gender later (Holzer, 2018).

• Put expansive laws, like Malta's GIGESC Act, which requires all public and private institutions to include inclusive gender options on official forms and prohibits discrimination based on gender identity and expression (Holzer, 2018).

Sources

• European Commission (2020) Legal gender recognition in the EU: the journeys of trans people towards full equality. [Online] Available at: https://ec.europa.eu/info/sites/info/files/legal_gender_recognition_in_the_eu.pdf [Accessed 7 April 2026].

• Equaldex, 2026, Legal recognition of non-binary gender by country https://www.equaldex.com/issue/non-binary-gender-recognition (Accessed 7 April 2026)

• Holzer, L. (2018) Non-Binary Gender Registration Models in Europe. ILGA-Europe. [Online] Available at: https://www.ilga-europe.org/resources/publications/non-binary-gender-registration-models-europe [Accessed 7 April 2026].

Title I – Name, registered office and duration

Article 1 – Name and mentions

The international non-profit association adopts the following name “Federation of Young European Greens”, in short “FYEG” (hereinafter referred to as “the association”).

This name must be mentioned on all deeds, invoices, announcements, disclosures, letters, orders, websites and other documents, whether or not in electronic form, originating from the association, immediately preceded or followed by the words “Association internationale sans but lucratif” or by the abbreviation “aisbl” together with the address of the registered office of the association and the other statements in accordance with the Belgian Companies and Associations Code of 23 March 2019 (hereinafter referred to as 'CAC').

Article 2 – Registered office

The registered office of the association is established on the territory of the Brussels-Capital Region. The administrative board has the power to move the registered office of the association within the same language region in Belgium.

If, as a result of the move of the registered office, the language of the present statutes has to be changed, only the General Assembly shall have the power to take the decision to move the registered office of the association, taking into account the requirements for a modification of the statutes. The competent courts are the courts of Brussels.

Article 3 – Duration of the association

The association is constituted for an indefinite period. It can be dissolved at any time.

Title II – Disinterested goal pursued and activities constituting the object

Article 4 – Disinterested purpose and object

The association aims to:

● Build a just, feminist, diverse, inclusive, democratic and sustainable Europe;

● Advocate for and support youth participation in democratic processes and

civil society at all levels;

● Empower and support young people to bring forward their perspectives and

solutions;

● Provide a forum where young people with green sympathies from all over

Europe can engage in meaningful dialogue and cultural exchanges.

The object, or concrete activities, through which the association can achieve its purpose are:

● Statutory and operational activities necessary to the functioning of the organisation,

● Network activities dedicated to growing and strengthening the federation;

● Capacity building, training and support for its members, their members and other young people in Europe;

● Educational activities such as workshops, seminars, study session, summer camps, intercultural exchanges, etc. targeting its members, their members and other progressive youth;

● Political exchanges amongst its members, with its partners and other stakeholders;

● Communications and campaigns to raise awareness, propose solutions, influence behaviours, legislation and European policies that affect young people, etc.;

To achieve its purpose, the association may receive any material or financial assistance or contribution from legal, public or private persons, or from natural persons. The funds and materials thus collected must be used exclusively for the achievement of the disinterested goal. The association can lend its support and take an interest in all activities similar to its purpose.

The association may also carry out profit-making activities. The profit made shall at all times be used entirely for the above-mentioned non-profit and disinterested goal. The association may not, directly or indirectly, distribute or provide any financial benefit to members, founders, administrators or any other person, except for the above-mentioned disinterested goal. Economic activities are incidental.

Title III – Membership

Article 5 – Categories of members and general conditions of admission

The association is made up of member organisations only and has three categories of member:

Full members

Candidate members

Associate members

The association has at least five full members.

General criteria for membership, are as follows:

• be active on a regional or national level,

• consist mainly of young people,

• subscribe to the statutes and political platform of FYEG,

• function based on democratic principles.

The association has at least five full members at all times. Members enjoy the rights granted to the category of members to which they belong by the law and these statutes. The same applies to the duties of members.

All full members should be legal entities committed to respecting these statutes and established with legal personality in the country where they are founded according to local laws and customs.

Article 6 – Register of members

The administrative board maintains a register of members at the registered office of the association. This register includes the denomination, legal form and address of the registered office of the members. The administrative board records all decisions of admission, resignation, suspension or exclusion of members in this register within 8 days of becoming aware of the decision. The administrative board may decide that the register will be kept in electronic form.

Any member may consult the register of members at the registered office of the association. To this end, they send a written request to the administrative board.

Each member communicates an email address to the association for the purpose of communicating with it.

Any communication to this email address is deemed to have taken place validly. The association may use this address until the member concerned provides another email address.

Article 7 - Liability

Members are not held responsible for commitments made in the name of the association, insofar as all the provisions mentioned in these statutes and also in other agreements between the association and that member were thereby complied with.

Article 8 – Conditions of admission of full members

Full members can participate in the General Assembly, they have speaking rights and voting rights.

To become a full member the organisation has to fulfil the following criteria:

• Comply with the general criteria for membership,

• Have been a candidate member for at least one year,

• Send an official application to the secretariat of the association. This can be done by ordinary mail or by e-mail sent to the (electronic) address of the association. This application shall include its statutes, the number of individual members, age limits for its members, list of activities, budget, a signed letter of intent to become a full member including a declaration by which it undertakes to respect the disinterested purpose and the statutes of the association, and all other possibly relevant information.

Before applying for full membership, Candidate members should be visited by at least one member of the Executive Committee or the Secretary-General. After the visit and upon reception of the official application, the Executive Committee will review the application for full membership and advise the General Assembly about the application.

The General Assembly then votes on the membership at the next General Assembly. A candidate member is accepted and thus authorised to join the association as a full member if an absolute two-thirds majority of the votes cast is obtained. This decision of the General Assembly does not have to be motivated.

As soon as the decision concerning the candidate member is known, the secretariat of the association shall inform it of this decision by e-mail. No appeal is possible against this decision.

Article 9 – Conditions of admission of candidate members

Candidate members can participate in the General Assembly, they have speaking rights but do not have voting rights.

Candidate members are organisations who have the ambition, within a certain time frame, to apply for full membership. To become a Candidate member an organisation should fulfil the following criteria:

• comply with the general criteria for membership

• send an official application to the secretariat of the association. This can be done by ordinary mail or by e-mail sent to the (electronic) address of the association. This application shall include its statutes,

• the number of individual members, age limits for its members, list of activities, budget, the intention to become a candidate member and all other possibly relevant information.

The Executive Committee will examine the application and will present the application at the next General Assembly, together with a recommendation on the admission of the organisation as Candidate member. The General Assembly then votes on granting the candidate membership.

The decision to grant a candidate membership must be taken by an absolute majority of the votes cast. This decision of the General Assembly does not have to be motivated.

As soon as the decision concerning the candidate member is known, the secretariat of the association shall inform it of this decision by e-mail. No appeal is possible against this decision.

Article 10 – Conditions of admission of associate members

Associate members can participate in the General Assembly, they have speaking rights but do not have voting rights.

Associate members are organisations that do not want to become a full member or do not fulfil all general criteria for membership, as stipulated in article 5 of the present statutes. To become Associate member an organisation should send an official application to the secretariat of the association. This can be done by ordinary mail or by e-mail sent to the (electronic) address of the association. This application shall include its statutes, number of members, age limits, list of activities, budget, the intention to become an associate member and all relevant information.

The decision to grant an associate membership must be taken by the General Assembly by an absolute majority of the votes cast. This decision of the General Assembly does not have to be motivated. As soon as the decision concerning the associate member is known, the secretariat of the of the association shall inform it of this decision by e-mail. No appeal is possible against this decision.

Article 11 - Resignation of members

Any member of the association is free to withdraw from it at any time by sending their resignation by email to the administrative board, including the motivation for their resignation.

The administrative board informs the next General Assembly of the resignation and its motivation. Resigning members cannot in any way claim the assets of the association or the reimbursement of the contributions or membership fee paid.

If as a consequence of one of the above events, the number of full members of the association would fall below the number stipulated in article 5 of the present statues, the board will immediately call an extraordinary General Assembly, with as sole agenda item to nominate additional full members to re-establish the number of full members mentioned in article 5 of the present statutes. In this case the board has the power to suspend the termination of the full membership until a replacement is found within a reasonable period of time.

Article 12 - Suspension of members

The administrative board may propose the temporary suspension of a member to the General Assembly. The suspension of a member is pronounced by the General Assembly by a simple two-thirds majority. In its decision to temporarily suspend a member, the General Assembly also determines the duration of the suspension. A suspended member loses its voting rights.

Suspended members may request the cancellation of their suspension at the next General Assembly by sending a signed motivation letter sent by email to the administrative board at the latest one month before the General Assembly.Suspended members cannot in any way claim the assets of the association or the reimbursement of the contributions or membership fee paid.

Article 13 - Exclusion of members

The administrative board may propose the exclusion of a member to the General Assembly. The exclusion of a member is pronounced by the General Assembly by a two-thirds majority and is only valid if the following conditions have been met:

• the proposal for exclusion is explicitly indicated in the convocation of the General Assembly,

• the member in question was heard if they so wished,

• the assembly brings together at least two-thirds of the full members, whether they are present or represented.

If this last condition is not met, a second convocation of the General Assembly will be necessary, and the new assembly deliberates and rules validly, regardless of the number of full members present. The second meeting cannot be held within fifteen days after the first meeting. The exclusion is pronounced only if it gathers a two-thirds majority of the votes cast.

Excluded members cannot in any way claim the assets of the association or the reimbursement of the contributions paid.

Article 14 - Membership fee

The amount of the annual membership fee for full members is set by the administrative board, in line with the rules adopted by the General Assembly in the Internal Rules of Procedures (hereinafter referred to as 'IRP') and without being able to exceed 10,000.00 EUR.

Full members that fail to pay their membership fee will not have voting rights at the General assembly, unless the General Assembly explicitly votes to still grant the organisation’s voting rights, this does not constitute a suspension.

Titre IV – General Assembly

Article 15 - Composition

The General Assembly is made up of all the members of the association. It is chaired by the Presidency designated for this purpose by the assembly, in line with the rules adopted by the General Assembly in the IRP.

Article 16 - Powers

The general assembly has the powers expressly granted to it by law or the statutes of this association.

A decision of the general assembly is required in the following cases:

the modification of the statutes,

the approval of the annual financial report and the budget,

the appointment and dismissal of administrators,

the appointment and dismissal of the Secretary-General,

the appointment and dismissal of the executive committee,

the decision on the compensation of the administrators for their mandate in the cases where a compensation is allocated to them,

Admission, suspension and exclusion of members,

the discharge to be granted to the administrators as well as, if necessary, the introduction of an action by the association against the administrators,

the voluntary dissolution of the association,

the transformation of the AISBL into an ASBL, into a cooperative company approved as a social enterprise and into a cooperative company,

make or accept the free contribution of a universality,

the adoption and amendment of the IRP,

the adoption and amendment of the Political Platform,

all other cases where the law or these statutes require it.

Article 17 - Convocation and functioning

The General Assembly shall be convened by the administrative board. The administrative board convenes at least one annual general assembly in the course of the 1st semester following the closing of the accounts.

The association may convene an additional general assembly at any time by decision of the administrative board or at the request of at least one fifth of the full members. This request is sent via email to the electronic address of the association and includes a statement signed by one fifth or the full members. In the latter case, the administrative board convenes the general assembly within 30 days of the convening request. The general assembly is held no later than 45 days following the convening request.

The administrative board convenes a general assembly by ordinary mail or email, sent at least 15 days before the assembly. The convocation contains the agenda, date, time and place of the assembly. The documents that will be discussed at the general assembly must be made accessible.

The assembly cannot validly deliberate on points that are not mentioned on the agenda, unless a two-thirds majority of the full members present consider that the urgency prevents them from being postponed. It can never be done for the modification of the statutes, the exclusion of a member, the voluntary dissolution of the association and the transformation of the association into an ASBL, into a cooperative company approved as a social enterprise or into a cooperative company.

If necessary, the administrative board can convene an online General Assembly. This means that the General Assembly can be held via an electronic means of communication made available by the association, whereby all participants can communicate with each other, participate in the deliberation, ask questions and7 simultaneously and continuously take note of the discussions during the meeting.

The members are thus deemed to be present at the place where the General Assembly is held. The association must be able to verify the capacity and identity on the basis of the electronic means of communication used.

The convocation contains a clear and accurate description of the procedures relating to remote participation. The minutes of the General Assembly shall mention any technical problems and incidents that prevented or disrupted participation by electronic means in the General Assembly or in the vote.

Full members can also vote remotely, either by letter or via the website, using a form made available by the association, or via an online voting platform. In the latter case, the voting results must be saved.

Article 18 – Attendance and voting quorums

Each member has the right to attend the general assembly. Only full members have voting rights and each full member has two votes.

Except in the cases provided for by law or these statutes, the General Assembly deliberates validly only if an absolute majority of the full members are present or represented. If this attendance quorum is not reached at the first meeting, a second meeting must be convened that may validly deliberate, regardless of the number of full members present or represented. The second meeting cannot be held less than fifteen days after the first meeting.

By default and except in cases where it is decided otherwise by law or these statutes, the following provisions apply:

• decisions are taken by a simple majority of votes present or represented,

• simple majority means a majority of votes cast excluding null votes, blank votes and abstentions

• absolute majority means a majority of the number of votes present or represented, including null votes, blank votes and abstentions.

• the vote is made in a public manner, unless a simple majority of the full members present request that the ballot be secret or unless the administrative board request that the ballot be secret, when the vote relates to decisions concerning individuals, the ballot is always secret,

In addition to the cases provided for in these statutes or by law, a simple two-thirds majority is needed to:

change the political platform

change the IRP,

change the strategic plan,

allow a candidate to run without the support of their Member Organisation

dismiss a member of the Executive Committee

dismiss the Secretary-General

In addition to the cases provided for in these statutes or by law, an absolute two-thirds majority is needed to:

● vote on immediately implementing changes to the IRP

Article 19 – Amendments to the statutes

The General Assembly can validly deliberate on the modifications to the statutes only if the modifications are explicitly indicated in the convocation and if the General Assembly brings together at least two thirds of the full members, whether they are present or represented. Amendments are adopted by an absolute two-thirds majority of the votes of the full members present or represented.

However, the modification which relates to the disinterested goal or the object of the association can only be adopted by a majority of four fifths of the votes of the full members present or represented.If two-thirds of the full members are not present or represented at the first meeting, a second meeting must be convened that may deliberate validly, regardless of the number of full members present or represented, and adopt the modifications by a majority of four-fifths of the votes of the full members present or represented for the modifications concerning the disinterested goal or the object of the association, and with a two-thirds majority of the votes of the full members present or represented for all the other modifications to the statutes. The second meeting cannot be held less than fifteen days after the first meeting.

When the general assembly decides on amendments to the statutes, null votes, blank votes and abstentions are not taken into account for the calculation of majorities.

Article 20 - Dissolution, free contribution of universality, transformation

The General Assembly can only pronounce the dissolution of the association under the same conditions as those relating to the modification of the object or the disinterested goal for which the association was constituted.

The General Assembly can only decide on a free contribution of universality or on the transformation of the association into an ASBL, into a cooperative company approved as a social enterprise and into a cooperative company, in accordance with the rules prescribed by the Belgian CAC. By default, those decisions are taken by the General Assembly in accordance with article 18 of the statutes.

When the General Assembly decides on the dissolution of the association, a free contribution of universality or the transformation of the AISBL association, into an ASBL, into a cooperative company approved as a social enterprise and into a cooperative company, the null votes, blanks votes and abstentions are not taken into account for the calculation of majorities.

Article 21 – Register of minutes and publications

The decisions of the General Assembly are recorded in a register of minutes, signed at least by the Secretary-General, as well as by all the full members and administrators who wish. This register is kept at the registered office where members can consult it by a simple written and motivated request addressed to the administrative board, but without moving the register. The administrative board might also decide to maintain the register electronically and provide online access to all members or provide an excerpt of the register at the registered office.

Decisions regarding individuals may be brought to the attention of third parties, who demonstrate an interest, by a simple letter signed by the administrator appointed for this purpose. Decisions relating to amendments to the statutes, the appointment and dismissal of administrators and daily management delegates as well as the dissolution or transformation of the association are filed without delay with the competent company court clerk to be published in the Moniteur Belge.

Titre V – Administrative Board

Article 22 - Composition

The association is administered by an administrative board composed of at least three administrators, appointed by the General Assembly amongst the Secretary-General and members of the Executive Committee, preferably the co-spokespeople and the treasurer. Administrators can only be natural persons.

Article 23 - Duration and end of the mandate

The duration of the mandate is unlimited. In the event of termination of the mandate, the outgoing administrators are eligible for re-election.

An administrator may be dismissed at any time by decision of the General Assembly, without it having to justify its decision. If necessary, the General Assembly provides for the replacement of the dismissed administrator.

Besides dismissal, the mandate of an administrator only terminates by the resignation or death of an administrator. If the death of an administrator has the effect of bringing the number of administrators to a number lower than the legal or statutory minimum, an extraordinary General Assembly is convened to provide for the replacement of said administrator.

As long as the General Assembly has not provided for the replacement of the dismissed or resigned administrator, the latter shall remain in office pending a decision of the General Assembly concerning the appointment of a new administrator.

Article 24 - Resignation

Any administrator who wishes to resign must notify their resignation in writing to the other administrators of the administrative board. In the event of the resignation of an administrator, the General Assembly may be convened to provide for a replacement. If the resignation has the effect of bringing the number of administrators to a number lower than the legal or statutory minimum, the administrator shall remain in office until replaced.

In the event of a vacancy of a mandate, the administrator appointed by the General Assembly to fill it, fulfils the mandate of the one they replace.

Article 25 - Functioning

The administrative board is collegial. It validly takes decisions when they are taken at a meeting, respecting the attendance and voting quorums provided for in these statutes.

The administrative board meets minimum once per year, convocation for this meetings shall be sent by letter or electronic mail at least one day prior to the date of the meeting and shall contain the date, time and, insofar as the meeting does not take place online, the location of the meeting as well as the agenda thereof.

The administrative board can also meet whenever convened by the Secretary-General, whenever the needs of the association so require or at the request of any administrator.

The meetings of the administrative board may be held by means of audio and / or video conferencing technologies, as agreed by the administrative board, allowing all participants to communicate with each other and allowing for an effective meeting between the persons concerned.

Decisions can also be taken remotely, as long as the decision is taken in writing and adopted unanimously. The meetings of the administrative board are chaired by the administrator designated for this purpose.

Article 26 - Presence and voting quorums

The administrative board can only rule if an absolute majority of administrators are present or represented.

Decisions are taken by a simple majority of votes present or represented. Null and blank votes as well as abstentions are not taken into account for the calculation of majorities. In the event of a parity of votes, the item is put on the agenda of the next meeting of the Executive Committee. An administrator can decide to be represented by another administrator, without the latter being able to hold more than one proxy.

Article 27 – Conflicts of interest

An administrator who, within the framework of a decision to be taken, has a direct or indirect interest of a patrimonial nature that is opposed to that of the association, must inform the other administrators before the administrative board takes the decision. Their declaration and explanations on the nature of this conflicting interest must appear in the minutes of the meeting of the administrative board that must take this decision.

The administrative board is not allowed to delegate this decision.

The administrator affected by the conflict of interest described in the preceding paragraph may not take part in the deliberations of the administrative board concerning these decisions or these operations, nor take part in the vote on this point. If the majority of administrators present or represented are in a position of conflict of interest, the decision or the operation is submitted to the General Assembly. In the event of approval of the decision or the operation by the latter, the administrative board may execute them. This article does not apply when the decisions of the administrative board relate to usual transactions entered into under normal market conditions and guarantees for transactions of the same nature.

An administrator who, within the framework of a decision to be taken, has an interest of a moral nature that is opposed to that of the association, must inform the other administrators before the administrative board takes the decision. If they neglect to do so, any other administrator who is aware of this conflict must communicate it to the administrative board before the debate takes place. The administrative board decides, by a vote in which the administrator in question cannot take part, whether or not the latter can participate in the debate and the vote. The decision of the body must be mentioned in the minutes of the meeting. The administrative board is not allowed to delegate this decision.

Article 28 - Register of minutes

The decisions of the administrative board are recorded in a register of minutes signed at least by the Secretary-General and all the other administrators who so wish. This register is kept at the registered office where members can read it with a simple written and motivated request addressed to the administrative board, but without moving the register. The administrative board might also decide to maintain the register electronically and provide online access to all members or provide an excerpt of the register at the registered office.

Article 29 - Powers

The administrative board shall have the power to perform all acts necessary or useful for the realisation of the objects and the disinterested goal of the association, except for such acts for which the General Assembly has exclusive authority under the law or in accordance with these statutes.

Notwithstanding the obligations arising from functioning as a collegial board, namely consultation and supervision, the administrators may share the management tasks amongst themselves. This division of labour cannot be invoked as against third parties, even after the same has been made public.

However,non-compliance with the same shall jeopardise the internal liability of the administrator(s) concerned.

Article 30 – General representation of the association

The administrative board manages the affairs of the association and represents it in all operations in and out of court. The administrative board is competent for all matters, with the exception of those expressly reserved by law to the General Assembly. The administrative board acts as plaintiff and defendant in all legal proceedings and decides whether or not to seek remedies.

Without prejudice to the general power of representation of the administrative board as a college in the previous paragraph, the association is also represented in court, both as plaintiff and defendant, by at least one administrators, without it being necessary to demonstrate a prior decision of the administrative board. The administrative board can also delegate this task to a lawyer. Out of court, the association can be represented11 by two administrators, who aren’t daily management delegates, without it being necessary to demonstrate a prior decision of the administrative board.

The administrative board can also appoint authorized representatives of the association. Only special and limited powers of attorney for specific or a series of specific acts are permitted. The authorized representatives must then rely on the power of attorney to make known their power of representation. The authorised representatives shall bind the association within the limits of the power of attorney granted to them, the limits of which shall be enforceable against third parties.

The administrative board is responsible for the appointment and dismissal of the authorized representatives of the association. The term of appointment of the authorized representatives is indefinite. The following reasons can lead to their dismissal: non-compliance with the statutes, the internal rule of procedure, decisions of the General Assembly and of the administrative board. This list is not exhaustive.

Article 31 - Daily management

The administrative board shall ensure the daily management of the association. It may delegate, under its supervision and responsibility, the daily management to one or more administrators or to one or more employees of the association (hereinafter called the “daily management delegates”).

The daily management of the association includes both the actions and decisions that do not go beyond the needs of the daily life of the association and those which, either because of their minor importance or because of their urgent nature, do not justify the intervention of the administrative board.

In case of delegation, the daily management delegates will be appointed by the administrative board by a simple majority of votes. The resignation or termination procedure of the daily management delegate is governed by Belgian law, in accordance with the employment or cooperation agreement between the association and the daily management delegate. The daily management delegate is entitled to a renumeration insofar this is stipulated in the agreement. The duration of the mandate of the daily management delegate is linked to the term of the agreement between the association and the daily management delegate.

The daily management delegate is responsible for operations related to, but not limited to,:

implementation of the decisions of the General Assembly and the administrative board;

reporting on activities;

recruiting and firing staff;

communications;

signing agreements related to the day-to-day operation of the association;

executing payments;

The daily management delegate(s) represents the association externally. If there are several of them, they act individually and only for contracts and commitments up to 20,000.00 EUR.

Article 32 - Publications

The acts relating to the appointment or termination of the functions of the administrators and the persons delegated to the daily management include their surname, first names, domicile, national number, date and place of birth.

All deeds are filed as soon as possible with the competent company court clerk, in order to be published in the Moniteur Belge.

Article 33 - Liability of administrators

The administrators and daily management delegates shall be liable to the association for errors committed during the performance of their duties.

With regard to third parties, the administrators shall be liable for extra-contractual errors.

However, administrators are liable only for decisions, acts or conduct that are manifestly outside the range within which normally prudent and careful administrator, placed in the same circumstances, might reasonably differ.

The administrative board is in principle jointly and severally liable unless an administrator proves that he has reported the alleged error to the administrative board, in which case the administrator concerned is relieved of liability.

If the liability of the administrative board or its administrators is retained, it shall be limited to the liability that is mandatorily imposed under the law.

Title VI – Executive Committee

Article 34 - Composition

The administrative board is advised and supported by an executive committee composed of at least three people, appointed by the General Gssembly. Executive committee members can only be natural persons.

Article 35 - Format, role and functioning

The dispositions and rules regarding the mandate, appointment, resignation, dismissal, powers, functioning and decision making of the executive committee are detailed in the Internal Rules of Procedure.

Title VII – Internal Rules of Procedures

Article 36 - Adoption and modification

The administrative board shall draw up all such Internal Rules of Procedures (IRP) as it may deem necessary and present these at the General Assembly for approval and for any possible amendments. Such internal regulations may not contain any provisions contrary to the CAC or the statutes.

The IRP and any amendments thereto shall be notified to the Members in accordance with Article 2:32 of the CAC, if applicable. The latest approved version of the IRP shall always be available for inspection at the registered office of the association and on the website of the association. It can be obtained with a simple written request sent to the administrative board.

Title VIII – Accounts and budgets

Article 37 - Financial year and account management

The financial year begins on January 1 and ends on December 31. The administrative board prepares and closes the accounts for the past financial year in accordance with the provisions of Book 3 of the CAC and Book III, Title 3, Chapter 2 of the Code of Economic Law, as well as the budget of the following year and submits them for approval to the annual General Assembly.

After approval of the financial statements by the annual General Assembly, the latter decides in a separate vote on the administrator's discharge. This discharge is only legally valid if the true state of the association is13 not obscured by any omission or incorrect statement in the annual accounts, and, with regard to the additional transaction under the articles of association or contrary to the law, if these are specifically indicated in the convening notice.

Title IX – Dissolution and liquidation

Article 38 - Liquidation

Except in case of judicial dissolution, only the General Assembly can pronounce the dissolution of the association in accordance with Book 2, Title 8, Chapter 2 and 3 of the CAC and article 20 of the statutes.

In this case, the General Assembly appoints one or more liquidators, determines their powers and their possible compensation, and indicates the allocation to be given to the net assets that can only be made for disinterested purposes similar to the disinterested goal as described in article 4 of the statutes.

Article 39 - Allocation of remaining net assets

In all cases of voluntary or judicial dissolution, after the settlement of debts, the net assets will be assigned to another organisation that pursues a similar disinterested goal as described in article 4 of the statutes.

Title X – Final Provision

Article 40 - Application of the Companies and Associations

Code

Everything that is not explicitly provided for in these statutes is regulated by the CAC or any changes, any replacements or (future) implementatio

General Principles

FYEG will have minimal statutes that only contain what legally matters and they will be revised in case the Belgian law changes. All other matters will be taken care of in the IRPs. The IRPs must never contradict the statutes, they can elaborate. The IRPs shall be facilitating and helping with decision-making processes as well as the organisation of the federation. There shall be no more rules than necessary. This document shall be accessible to every MO on the website.

All acts, invoices, publications, official letters and websites, in electronic form or not, emanating from the association must mention:
- its full or abbreviated name, immediately preceded or followed by “AISBL” or “international non-profit association”,
- the precise indication of its registered office,
- its company number,
- the terms "register of legal persons" or the abbreviation "RPM" followed by the indication of the court of the registered office of the legal person,
- if applicable, their email address and website,
- the number of at least one account held by the association with a credit institution established in Belgium,
- if applicable, the indication that the association is in liquidation.

1. Member Organizations

1.1. Membership

1.1.1. Membership categories

The association is made up of member organisations only and has three categories of member organisations:
Full members
Candidate members
Associate members

1.1.2. Membership criteria

Membership criteria are detailed in the Statutes.

1.1.3. Conditions of admission of candidate members

Conditions of admission of candidate member organisations are detailed in the Statutes.

1.1.4. Conditions of admission of full members

Conditions of admission of full member organisations are detailed in the Statutes. In addition, a candidate member organisation must apply for full membership latest at the General Assembly three years after it has received its candidate member organisation status. If the candidate member organisation does not apply for full membership in the third year of its candidacy, the Executive Committee can propose the suspension or exclusion of the candidate member organisation.

1.1.5. Conditions of admission of associate members

Conditions of admission of associate member organisations are detailed in the Statutes.

1.1.6. Resignation of members

Conditions for the resignation of members are detailed in the Statutes.

1.1.7. Suspension of members

Conditions for the suspension of members are detailed in the Statutes. The Executive Committee has a right to propose the suspension of a member organisation to the General Assembly in the following cases (not limited to):
• no update or other contact is made between a member and the FYEG Executive Committee between two General Assemblies,
• the member organisation doesn’t fulfil one or more of the membership criteria,
• the member organisation didn’t pay their membership fee,
• major changes that happened in the member organisation, which need to be investigated by the EC.

The suspension of a member means that the organisation loses its voting rights. When a member is suspended, the Executive Committee:
1. informs the member organisation about the suspension via an e-mail and explain the consequences
2. makes all reasonable efforts to enable the member to regain its full membership
3. creates a report on this process and presents it at the following General Assembly.

1.1.8. Exclusion of members

Conditions for the exclusion of members are detailed in the Statutes. The exclusion of an MO means that this organisation is not listed as a member organisation anymore and hence loses all of its rights within FYEG. Following an exclusion, an organisation that wishes to rejoin FYEG is expected to follow the entire membership procedure, as a new organisation would. The rejoining organisation is required to inform GA about changes that happened in their organisation since leaving FYEG and explanation of their decision about rejoining.

1.1.9. Suspension and exclusion in case of non-payment of membership fee

The suspension and exclusion of member organisation in case of non-payment of membership fee is further detailed in the Statutes.

1.1.10. Membership fee

FYEG has an annual membership fee. The ceiling is stated in the Statutes.

Each full member organisation shall pay an annual membership fee to FYEG. This membership fee shall correspond to 1 % of the total incomes of their previous year’s realised budget with a minimum of 50 EUR for the EU and European Economic Area (Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway) and Switzerland and the United Kingdom, and 25 EUR for all other European countries.

By way of derogation to the previous paragraph, the General Assembly may decide, in duly justified cases, to lower the amount of the membership fee that a Member Organisation shall pay, following a recommendation of the Executive Committee. Requests for lowering the Membership fee shall be sent by a Member Organisation to the Executive Committee at the latest 2 weeks before the GA.

Each full MO shall pay their membership fee for the running year on the first evening of the GA at the latest, if it has not already been transferred earlier. Full MOs are requested to provide their annual budget statement for the previous year at the latest. A document listing the amount of the membership fee paid by each MO and the way it has been calculated must be annexed to the financial report of the year in question.

1.1.11. Membership reviews

The Executive Committee presents a review of the FYEG Member Organisations as part of the Executive Committee Report. The review can include the following information:

Overview of the region and its meetings and activities,

The Member Organisations' engagement with FYEG activities during the year,

Major changes to the Member Organisation.

In case of major changes (change of organisations' name, split in the organisation, merge with another organisation, change of political affiliation, etc.), the Executive Committee can propose the General Assembly to vote on that change. The General Assembly may, among other options, take note of the change or suspend the membership of the organisation to give sufficient time to the Executive Committee to look into the situation.

1.2. Working with Member Organisations

1.2.1. Member Organisation Duties

Each MO should keep FYEG updated about:

- changes in the board

- valid contact addresses for the MO list and the website

- activities

1.2.2. FYEG duties

FYEG will provide the Member Organisations with:

- information about statutory meetings

- minutes and reports from statutory meetings and long ECMs

- a newsletter containing information and participation possibilities in current activities

- regularly updated contacts of other Member Organisations

2. General Assembly

2.1. Composition

The General Assembly is the highest decision body.

The General Assembly is composed of one or two delegates per full member organisation, candidate member organisation and associate member organisation.

MOs should strive to send delegations to GA that are gender-balanced and consist of delegates maximum aged 30 years old. If the organisation is unable to find delegates within the age limit, they can send older delegates aged 31-35.

The delegates can be asked to pay a participation fee for the General Assembly. People who are employed by FYEG or are members of the FYEG Executive Committee cannot be delegates to the general assembly.

2.2. Powers

The power of the General Assembly is detailed in the Statutes. In addition to what Statutes state, a decision of the General Assembly is required in the following cases:

- the adoption and amendment of the Activity plan for the upcoming year,
- the adoption and amendment of Resolutions,
- the election of the Financial Control and Advisory Committee,
- the election of the Editorial Board of Ecosprinter,
- the election of the FYEG representative to the European Green Party Committee,
- the approval of the Advisory Committee
- the approval of the Presidency of the General Assembly
- Decision about joining (or leaving) membership with other organisations/networks

The General Assembly also hears the following reports:
- Activity Report
- Executive Committee and Secretary General Report
- FYEG's Representative to the EGP Committee
- Ecosprinter Editorial Board report
- Financial Control and Advisory Committee report
- Advisory Committee report

2.3. Functioning

The Administrative Board and the Executive Committee summons the annual General Assembly. FYEG Member Organisations are summoned to the General Assembly via ordinary mail or e-mail. The convocation contains the agenda, date, time and place of the General Assembly. General Assembly is presided in line with the Meeting Rules (Annex - 1). The Executive Committee can propose additions for the Meeting Rules no later than a week before the General Assembly. These additions must be sent to all member organizations, and they must be approved at the start of the General Assembly by a simple majority and they lose power once the General Assembly is concluded. The rules for holding extraordinary General Assembly are detailed in the Statutes.

Changes to the statutory and internal organisational documents take effect from the first working day after the GA meeting where they were changed, except when the GA votes for their immediate implementation through a second vote requiring an absolute two-thirds majority.

Persons elected by the General Assembly will start their mandate from the first working day after the GA meeting where they were elected, unless other rules apply for their mandate.

2.4. Deadlines and calls

The call for hosting the General Assembly must be sent as soon as possible, no later than 7 months before the tentative dates of the GA. The call must be open at least one month. The selection of the hosting organisation is done by the Executive Committee. The remaining deadlines are structured as follows:

12 Weeks before the General Assembly the Executive Committee must send out a call for: Registration of all participants delegates the executive committee (if applicable) the secretary general (if applicable) the financial control and advisory committee the ecosprinter editorial board the FYEG representative to the EGP committee the presidency

9 weeks before the General Assembly is the deadline for: applications of presidency

Between 10 and 7 weeks before the GA The Executive Committee must also organise an online information session, explaining the functioning of the General Assembly and promoting the different open positions.

6 weeks before the General Assembly is the deadline for: registration of delegates applications of organisations for associate, candidate or full membership applications of Secretary General candidates applications for the FYEG nominee to the EGP Committee

4 Weeks before the General Assembly is the deadline for: submission of resolutions amendments to the Political Platform, the Internal Rules and Procedures and the Strategic Plan Reports and Plans to be sent out to Member Organisations Executive Committee candidates Financial Control and Advisory Committee candidates Ecosprinter Editorial Board candidates

the submission of proposals to add point to the GA agenda, any such proposal must be signed by one-twentieth of the full member organisations, as detailed in the Statutes. In case the number of candidates is less than the number of positions open and/or if the gender quota is not met, the Executive Committee will re-open the call for additional candidates of the underrepresented gender and/or positions with lacking candidates.

3 weeks before the General Assembly is the deadline for: publication of Candidacies publication of Executive Committee recommendations on potential member organisations (for full, candidate or associate membership) publication of Executive Committee recommendations on exclusion and/or suspension of member organisations sending the GA agenda, as detailed in the Statutes

2 weeks before the General Assembly is the deadline for: MOs to express their support for candidates

10 days before the General Assembly is the deadline for: amendments to the resolutions and Plans

Other deadlines:

The deadline for submitting emergency resolutions must be 2 days before the start of the General Assembly.

At the end of the General Assembly's first day, the assembly sets a deadline for amendments to the emergency resolutions.

2.5. Submission of resolutions and amendments

At the general assembly Full Member Organisations and the Executive Committee have the right to submit resolutions, and amendments to resolutions, the political platform, the activity and financial plan, the strategic plan, other plans tabled by the EC, the statutes and the IRPs, bearing in mind the deadlines specified under 2.4. Support of 3 Full Member Organizations is needed in order to table an emergency resolution.

2.6. Presidency

The General Assembly confirms the Presidency proposed by the Executive Committee before any other decisions are made. The Presidency then:
chairs the meetings and discussions at the General Assembly
prepares the resolutions, amendments and voting procedures for the General Assembly
is responsible for taking the minutes of the General Assembly

The Presidency: consists of four to six people who must not be candidates to any positions at the General Assembly, can be suspended and simultaneously replaced with an absolute two-third majority by the assembly.

Such a vote of no-confidence can be demanded by at least 5% of the delegates, who must present people for the new Presidency.

2.7. Participation fee

A participation fee to the General Assembly can be set up if the Treasurer finds it necessary. The following participants of the General Assembly are exempt from paying the participation fee: One delegate per Full, Candidate and Associate Member Organisation, Executive Committee members the Secretary-General and office members of the Presidency

If a full Member Organisation sends a second delegate the participation fee is halved in case at least one of the two delegates self-identifies as women, intersex, nonbinary, trans or agender. Treasurer can grant exemption or lowering of the fee to participant that request it.

2.8. Travel reimbursement

Full reimbursement of travel costs is granted to:

one delegate per full, candidate or associate Member Organisation
Executive Committee members
the Secretary-General and the office,
candidates for the Executive Committee elections,
candidates for the Secretary-General elections, provided they have received approval by the pre-selection committee,
candidates for the FYEG Representative to the EGP Committee, provided they have received approval by the pre-selection committee
members of the presidency

The Treasurer can decide to reimburse travel costs for:
delegates of organisations applying for candidate membership in FYEG
candidates for all open positions the second delegate of a full, candidate or associate Member Organisation if at least one delegate self-identifies as women, intersex, nonbinary, trans or agender.

3. Election and Voting Procedures

3.1. Attendance and voting quorums

In line with the Statutes, each Member Organisation has the right to attend the General Assembly. Only Full Member Organisations have voting rights and each Full Member Organisation has two votes.

3.1.1. Principles

In line with the Statutes, the General Assembly deliberates validly only if 50 % + 1 of the Full Member Organisations are present or represented. The Statutes detail the steps to follow in case the attendance quorum is not reached. In line with the Statutes, in principle all decisions in FYEG are taken by a simple majority of votes registered for the General Assembly.

When voting, abstention is always an option. When the vote relates to decisions concerning persons or Member Organisations, the ballot is always secret. The voting body can decide to have other voting procedures processed through secret ballot.

3.1.2. Procedures

Definitions

Votes registered at General Assembly
- the number of Member Organisations and their delegates who are registered for the General Assembly and have voted in the determination of the General Assembly quorum

Votes cast
- the number of votes that were submitted.

Simple majority
Majority of the votes cast, i.e. the number of “Yes” votes exceed the number of “No” votes. Abstentions are not considered in the count.
Examples:
Out of 20 votes: 11 yes, 9 no, 0 abstentions: passed; 1 yes, 0 no, 19 abstentions: passed. 10 yes; 10 no; 0 abstentions. not passed. 10 yes, 9 no, 1 abstention: passed.

Absolute majority
To pass "yes" should reach the majority (half+1, or half + 0.5 in case of odd number) of the number of votes registered at the General Assembly.

Note that it is number of votes registered, not number of votes cast.
This means that if less than half of the voters are present and vote, this majority can never be reached.
Examples:
20 voters registered: need 11 or more yes votes.
21 voters registered: need 11 or more yes votes.
22 voters registered: need 12 or more yes votes.

Simple two-thirds majority
Two thirds of the votes cast.

Absolute two-thirds majority
Two thirds of the number of votes registered.
Note that it is the number of votes registered, not the number of votes cast. This means that if less than two thirds of the voters are present and vote this majority can never be reached.
Examples:
20 voters: need 14 yes or more votes.
21 voters registered: need 14 or more yes votes.
22 voters registered: need 15 or more yes votes.

3.2. Election of candidates

3.2.1. Principles

FYEG uses a Single Transferable Vote (STV) electoral system with a standard droop quota. Mathematically, this is the next integer larger than V / (n+1) when V = the total number of valid votes and n is the number of positions available. Specifically recommended is the Scottish STV system.

3.2.2. Procedures

The main principle is to rank all the candidates according to the voter's preferences for each candidate. Where 1 is the first preference 2 the second preference and so on.

Voters can rank all candidates even if the number of candidates exceeds the number of positions. Voters can decide to not rank some of the candidates even if this means leaving the ballot partially blank.

Only a completely blank ballot counts as abstention, an abstention counts under the exception below.

If a simple majority of all ballots cast do not rank the candidate with any numbers they are excluded from the election.

0 - All ballots are inspected to determine that candidates have received a simple majority of any kind of ranking on cast ballots. If not, they will be excluded from the election.

1 – The candidates who have reached the election quota (i.e. election threshold) are elected.

2 – If some positions are still available, the following process starts:

2a – The left-over votes on candidates reaching the election threshold are redistributed according to second preferences, using the Single Transferable Vote system of distribution.

2b – If one or more candidates have reached the election threshold, that/those candidate(s) are elected in order from highest to lowest vote count. The process then starts again from point (2).

2c – If no candidate reaches the threshold in this way, the candidate with the lowest amount of votes is removed from the election. The ballot-papers that ranked this candidate as their first remaining preference are redistributed according to their second preference. The process is then restarted (1).

2d - If, following the calculation of the election result, one or more candidates is elected who is ineligible due to quota regulations, these candidates (who had the least number of votes) are removed from the pool of candidates and the entire election is recalculated. That is to say, the election is recalculated, and each time the ineligible candidate would have received a preference vote, the vote instead goes to the voter’s next preference.

3.2.3. Exceptions At the General Assembly:

Concerning the Executive Committee elections:
The spokespersons and the treasurer are elected separately from the rest of the Executive Committee positions.

Concerning the Advisory Committee:
The newly elected Executive Committee will present the proposed Advisory Committee to the General Assembly. The General Assembly ratifies the proposed Advisory Committee by a simple majority vote.

Between General Assemblies:
Concerning the replacement of a resigned Executive Committee member:
If an Executive Committee member resigns, a new Executive Committee member can be elected to replace them. The Executive Committee will publishes a call for candidates for the vacant position. Candidates will be elected via an electronic vote. Any replaced EC member will have full voting rights in the Executive Committee.

3.3. Electronic voting

The Executive Committee can call for an electronic vote between General Assemblies in urgent matters. It is the duty of the Executive Committee to provide enough information for the full Member Organisations to make an informed decision. Each full Member Organisation has 2 votes.

When voting, abstention is always an option. The voting period is set to two weeks with a one week reminder. The Statutes, the Internal Rules and Procedures, the Strategic Plan and the Political Platform cannot be subject to any electronic vote between the General Assemblies. Results will be announced within one week after the closing of the vote and include detailed information.

3.4. Tiebreakers

3.4.1. Tiebreakers on point of substance

In the case of a tie between two points of substance, the vote shall be held again. If the result is once again a tie, the body voting may choose to vote once more, table the discussion to later in the meeting, or decide by some form of chance. Note that this paragraph is not intended to apply to ties between “yes”, “no”, or “abstain” where some point of substance requires a majority to pass.

3.4.2. Tiebreakers relating to elections

During the vote calculation process, systems such as Scottish STV calculate how to break ties in elections using the preferences set out in earlier rounds of voting. If this still creates a tie or there is insufficient data to do the calculations, the candidate who wins in that round is chosen at random.

If it is determined by the Presidency that the final winners of an election varies according to random chance then:
Between the candidates involved in the tie, the candidate with the most first preferences takes the position. If the candidates are tied in first preferences, then second preferences are counted. This process is continued until all preferences are exhausted.

If a result still cannot be determined due to a tie, the Presidency may opt to delay the final decision and schedule a further head-to-head vote between the tied candidates. This vote may take place after the conclusion of the General Assembly, in which case responsibility for organising and conducting the election will pass to the Executive Committee.

Additional head-to-head votes may be held as necessary until the tie is resolved.

3.5. Dismissal of elected persons

3.5.1. Dismissal of Executive Committee member

Two thirds of the Executive Committee can propose dismissal of an Executive Committee member. The Full Member Organisations vote on the proposed resignation through electronic vote. The vote is based on two letters: a letter of justification from the majority of Executive Committee members proposing the dismissal and an optional letter of defence from the Executive Committee member. If at least one third of the full MOs participate in the vote and a two third majority is reached the Executive Committee member is dismissed.

3.5.2. Dismissal of Secretary-General

Two thirds of the Executive Committee can propose the dismissal of the Secretary-General.An additional General Assembly must then be convened by a decision of the Administrative Board under the applicable rules (as set out in the statutes), where the Member Organisations vote on both the dismissal of the existing Secretary-General, and the election and appointment to the Administrative Board of a new interim Secretary-General.

The Executive Committee has the right to in writing and orally inform the Member Organisations as to why they have proposed the dismissal, and the Secretary-General the right to defend themselves. If quorum is reached (as detailed in the Statutes) and a simple two-thirds majority is found at the additional General Assembly for dismissing the Secretary-General, the Secretary-General is dismissed.The Executive Committee can propose dismissal of the Secretary General, with two-thirds of the votes of the members of the EC.

The Member Organisations must be notified within 8 days about the decision and the Executive Committee must appoint a Secretary-General ad interim within 8 weeks after the decision of the Executive Committee. The Secretary General ad interim will continue until the election of a new Secretary General at the subsequent General Assembly.

The new interim Secretary-General will take over the mandate over the former Secretary-General, expiring whenever the former Secretary-General’s mandate would have expired. They have all the powers and responsibilities of the former Secretary-General.

13.6. Gender quota

In all elected bodies there must be a minimum of 50% of people that self-identify as women, intersex, nonbinary, trans or agender. If there is only one position in a body, there is no quota. However it is encouraged that people that self-identify as women, intersex, nonbinary, trans or agender alternate in this position. 17 4. Bodies

4.1. Administrative Board

In line with the Statutes, the association is administered by an administrative board composed of three people, appointed by the general assembly amongst the Secretary-General, and members of the Executive Committee, preferably the Spokespeople and the Treasurer.

4.2. Executive Committee

The Executive Committee members are responsible for making strategic and political decisions about the organisation during their mandate and between General Assemblies.

The Executive Committee strives to reach consensus, with any member able to call a vote if consensus cannot be reached; decisions are made by a simple majority, disregarding abstentions. If no majority is secured after two consecutive votes, the decision is postponed to the next meeting for further attempts to reach a consensus. If voting fails again in the subsequent meeting, the decision is deemed against.

The Executive Committee is composed of eight people: who are elected by the General Assembly with a one-year mandate “Who can only do a maximum of three total mandates” in case of by-election, the term only counts as a mandate if it exceeds 9 months

Any individual can hold a maximum of two different mandates in one particular role within the EC across the course of their lifetime. For example, they could be Co-spokesperson for two mandates, and EC member for one mandate, but they could not be Co-spokesperson for three mandates. An EC member is either a co-spokesperson, a treasurer or a regular EC member: the roles cannot be accumulated.

An EC candidate must not be older than 32 on the year of election. A mandate is the period between one Annual GA to the next Annual GA. The EC’s mandate is entrusted by the GA, and this should be reflected in the EC’s work and attitudes. This also means that the EC as a whole, or individual EC members can be held accountable to the GA in the instance of working against the interest of the GA.

Within the EC there are two spokespersons, who must not be from the same Member Organisation, the treasurer and five additional members.

The gender quota applies to the spokespersons.

The Executive Committee:
rules when an absolute majority of its members are present and/or involved in the decision-making process through online channels,
is responsible for the relations with the Member Organisations,
has the right to make statements on behalf of FYEG, in line with the political platform oversees the implementation of the activity plan as decided by the General Assembly
receives and handles applications from organisations that wish to join FYEG and produces a report for the General Assembly including voting recommendation
can engage FYEG in partnerships with external movements,networks and organisations select members of non-elected temporary bodies and provides political support to them (such as the prep-teams, working groups, task forces etc.)

The Executive Committee members represent FYEG to its partners, member organisations and other stakeholders. EC members need to ensure a good transfer of knowledge when their mandate comes to an end with a proper handover. The handover should take place within 3 weeks of the tasks being divided.

4.2.1. Spokespeople

The Spokespersons:
Coordinate the Executive Committee
Represent FYEG to the public and are a contact point for people from outside the Federation.
Represent FYEG with the Partners and attend European Green Party Committee meetings
Are responsible for the secretariat

The mandate of the spokespersons is further stated in the internal delegation order of FYEG, adopted by the Executive Committee on an annual basis.

4.2.2. Treasurer

The Treasurer is responsible for the yearly budget of FYEG. The treasurer works closely together with the Secretary General and the Office, that ensures the daily financial management of the organisation.

The treasurer:
prepares the financial report to the Executive Committee and to the General Assembly
prepares a budget plan for the General Assembly
has regular meetings with the Office to check the budget

The mandate of the treasurer is further stated in the internal delegation order of FYEG, adopted by the Executive Committee on an annual basis

4.3. Secretary-General

The Secretary General is elected for a three year mandate at the General Assembly. The mandate can only be renewed once. The total duration of the mandate of the Secretary-General can not exceed two mandates and the time held as "interim Secretary-General" is not counted as part of a mandate.

The tasks of the Secretary General include:
the legal representation of the organisation
Managing the FYEG Secretariat and making sure that each office member fulfils their responsibilities and tasks
Facilitating and assisting the work of the Executive Committee
Overseeing the HR processes
Overseeing the execution of FYEG Activity Plan
Overseeing FYEG finances, including fundraising, reporting, handling FYEG bank accounts, accounting,
Making sure that the statutory deadlines and process are respected
Overseeing the organisation of the statutory activities
Overseeing FYEG's external communications and campaigns
Monitoring key political events and policy developments on the European level to serve as a resource for FYEG's political work
Maintaining good contacts with FYEG's partners and Member Organisations and other stakeholders
If mandated by the Executive Committee, the Secretary General can externally represent FYEG and its position

4.4. FYEG’s Representative to the European Green Party Committee

As outlined in the Statutes and the Rule Book of the European Green Party, the Committee is the executive body of the European Green Party and is responsible for its political and strategical development and functioning within the budget and the guidelines approved by the Congress.

The Committee consists of 13 members, out of which 4 are elected for specific functions, 8 regular members and 1 seat nominated by FYEG. The Committee mandate is 3 years. Members may not serve more than three terms. The Committee’s general tasks and responsibilities are further detailed in the European Green Party Statutes.

FYEG nominates one member to the EGP Committee. Hereafter, this person will be referred to as the representative. This representative cannot hold any of the four specific posts of the Petit Committee of the European Green Party (Co-Chairs, Treasurer and the Secretary General). The nomination of this FYEG representative will follow the Committee elections deadlines.

FYEG's representative is elected at the General Assembly. They must not be older than 32 years old at the year of election. They are required to attend at least one live Executive Committee meeting every year. Moreover they must submit a report to the General Assembly every year, detailing the work that they have done in the EGP Committee. They can be asked to attend more FYEG Executive Committee meetings and FYEG events to represent the EGP Committee.

4.5. Financial Control and Advisory Committee

At the General Assembly, members of the Financial Control and Advisory Committee (FCAC) are elected for a two year mandate. The FCAC is composed of two members. Its members must not be members of the Executive Committee nor financially depending on FYEG.

The FCAC’s tasks include:
At least one meeting a year, dedicated to checking FYEG’s finances.
A written report of this meeting must be submitted to the EC, thereby providing an internal audit. the presentation of this yearly report to the delegates at the GA.

The financial report that is to be presented to the GA and all other relevant material have to be ready and at disposal for the meeting. Providing recommendations to FYEG Treasurer and Secretary General regarding the financial management and the financial orientations of FYEG.

It is recommended that the EC and the office share relevant information related to the finances of the organisation to FCAC throughout the year.

4.6. Office

In addition to the Secretary General, FYEG may recruit employees for its Office. In principle, all recruitments are made after an open and public call. The decision on the selected candidate is done in line with the internal delegation order of the FYEG, adopted by the Executive Committee on an annual basis.

The Executive Committee adopts “Guidelines and Rules for the Office” in line with legal requirements. This document is made available to all employees, especially when new employees are recruited. Salaries are decided upon in line with the internal delegation order of the FYEG, based on the financial plans adopted by the General Assembly.

4.7. Advisory Committee

The Advisory Committee ensures the transfer of knowledge within FYEG and acts as a conflict resolution body. It is appointed for two years at the General Assembly. The Advisory Committee is composed of 5 members.

Action by the Advisory Committee is taken only upon request by Executive Committee members of other bodies of FYEG. Its tasks are:
providing their shared experience on a specific subject assisting in conflict resolution between Executive Committee members, members of other Bodies and/or office providing general or specific mentorship for Executive Committee members on an individual needs basis.

If requested by the Executive Committee, advising the Executive Committee on organisational and structural matters In order to enable the Advisory Committee to fulfil this tasks it is granted the following: one-way access to the email-list of the Executive Committee throughout the year, meaning the possibility to read conversations but not actively take part access to the online storing spaces of the Executive Committee, without editing rights.

attendance at online or offline meetings of the Executive Committee

During its duty, the Advisory Committee must respect the secrecy of internal matters.

At the General Assembly, the Advisory Committee must present a brief overview of the functioning of the Executive Committee and office. If prompted, the Advisory Committee make recommendation within 8 weeks, after oral or written consultation of involved parties, and to the best of all members’ knowledge. Recommendation of the Advisory Committee have to be provided in written form to parties involved.

4.8. Working Group

Working groups have the following functions within FYEG :

helping with the acquirement and create professional documents on current and selected topics providing the groundwork for the formulation of political positions

promoting the involvement of Member Organisations and green activists in FYEG Working Groups providing space for a debate between young Green activists on the European level supporting the Executive Committee, office and prep-teams in the organisation of events and campaigns supporting the Executive Committee and Prep-teams in policy related preparations for FYEG events

Working groups are formed by the Executive Committee, with a defined scope, aim, working area and timeframe. This defined scope is outlined by the Executive Committee responsible for the working group and working group coordinators at the start of the mandate to complement FYEG's priorities.

The creation of a working group may be planned in the annual activity plan adopted by the General Assembly but the Executive Committee may also decide to create ad-hoc working groups. Working groups must not work against the political platform of FYEG. Further details on how to form, manage and communicate Working Groups is detailed in the Annex - 2 Working Groups Guidelines.

4.9. Ecosprinter Editorial Board

The Ecosprinter is the Member Organisations magazine of FYEG and is created by an autonomous editorial board, elected at the General Assembly. The Ecosprinter is published online and FYEG should strive for a printed version. The mission of the Ecosprinter is to:
provide a forum for commentary and internal debate provide the spaces for blogs and articles of members of FYEG inform about European Green policies and politics report and comment about culture, politics and discussions they believe are of importance.

The Ecosprinter Editorial Board:
consist of three members has to be gender-balanced
can elect an Editor-in-Chief among its members work on the mission and development of the Ecosprinter

In case there is not a consensus within the Ecosprinter Editorial Board on the election of the Editor-in-Chief, or an absolute majority, the Executive Committee can appoint the Editor-in-Chief.

The role of the editor in chief is to coordinate the work of the Ecosprinter Editorial Board and ensure that the mission of the Ecosprinter is fulfilled.

4.10. Conflict of Interest

In case a decision needs to be taken and a member of an FYEG body has a conflict of interest, financial or moral, they must inform the other members of the body before the decision is taken and the following procedure applies:

- the nature of the conflict of interest must appear in the minutes of the meeting,
- the person with a conflict of interest may not participate in the debate and the vote related to the decision in question.
- except for the Executive Committee itself, the body in question is allowed to delegate this decision to the Executive Committee,
- when the decision is delegated to a second body, the first body may still execute the decision.

If someone neglects to disclose a conflict of interest, any other member who is aware of the conflict must inform the rest of the members before the debate and decision takes place. Without the member concerned by the conflict of interest present, the body decides by a vote whether or not this member can participate in the debate and the vote. This decision must be mentioned in the minutes of the meeting. The body is allowed to delegate this decision. In case the majority of members present or represented are in a position of conflict of interest, the decision must be delegated to the Executive Committee. In case the majority of members of the Executive Committee are in a position of conflict of interest, the decision must be delegated to the General Assembly.

This chapter does not apply when the decision in question relates to usual transactions, entered into under normal market conditions and guarantees for transactions of the same nature.

5. Relations with other organisations

5.1. General principles

FYEG may:
become a member of other organisations/networks
become a temporary or permanent partner of other organisations/networks/alliances
set up new organisations and networks

The Executive Committee may take the decision to become a temporary or permanent partner of other organisation/networks/alliances. The decision to become a member of other organisations/networks or to set up new organisations/networks should be approved by the General Assembly.

Furthermore the EC must:
provide a list of organisations that FYEG is a member of, as well as a description of FYEG’s rights and responsibilities and the contact details of the concerned organisations report at the GA about all the partnerships FYEG has maintained during the year and provide details upon request by a MO

5.2. European Green Party

FYEG is the official youth wing of the European Green Party (EGP). Relations between FYEG and EGP are further specified in the EGP-FYEG relationship agreement.

5.3. Cooperation and Development Network Eastern Europe

FYEG and Cooperation and Development Network (CDN) are sister organisations and cooperate together to their mutual benefit. Relations between FYEG and CDN are further specified in the CDN-FYEG relationship agreement.

5.4. Global Young Greens

FYEG supports the building and working of Global Young Greens (GYG), striving to help GYG with financial and organisational matters.

6. Event Management

6.1. Participants

Participants to an event are selected in line with the internal delegation order of the FYEG, striving for gender, age and geographical balance. The Executive Committee decides if the event is open to all or only to the delegates of Member Organisations. The FYEG Safer Spaces Policy and the Anti Sexual Harassment protocol shall be communicated and presented to all participants.

6.2. Prep Team

A Prep Team is a temporary bodies, created for the planning, organisation and follow-up of specific projects. A Prep Team is set up via an open call procedure. In line with the internal delegation order of the FYEG, the final decisions on the Prep Team's composition and all necessary replacements are done by the responsible Executive Committee member. They must always: strive for gender and geographical balance ensure compliance to specific set of rules imposed by partners and funders A Prep Team can take decisions concerning their project independently. If needed, a Prep Team can consult the Executive Committee in order to solve possible internal problems.

6.3. Alcohol and intoxicating substances

Organisers of the event shall make sure that underaged participants are not exposed to dangerous situations involving alcohol or illegal drugs. This shall be ensured by, among others, the following measures: Participants below 16 and those for whom it is forbidden by domestic laws, shall not consume alcohol or illegal drugs, and one shall not offer any to them. In the event that this does take place, all parties responsible must be banned from the rest of the programme.

Moreover, their respective MO(s) shall be notified by the Executive Committee upon violation of these rules; Alcohol and illegal drugs shall not be consumed during the official sessions part of the programme; FYEG shall look into organising sessions and parties in other places than those where alcohol consumption is central, such as bars or clubs; Members of the Executive Committee and the Prep Team shall lead by example and abstain from excessively drinking alcohol and from using illegal drugs during an event. Additionally, two people, from either the Executive Committee or the Prep Team, should be appointed to stay sober during the programme.

7. Financial Management

The FYEG financial year starts on 1st of January and ends on 31st of December as is reflected in FYEG budget. The financial management of FYEG is done through the decision-making, execution and control of different bodies in line with Belgian law and the delegation order adopted by each Executive Committee. FYEG’s internal financial management is organised as follows:

The General Assembly approves of the yearly Budget Report and amends and adopts the yearly Budget Plan The Executive Committee approves the General Budget Plan and Report presented by the Treasurer, before they are submitted to the General Assembly. The Treasurer regularly monitors the implementation of the overall budget and accounting and keeps the rest of the Executive Committee updated The Secretariat manages all the practicalities to realise the adopted budget under the supervision of the Secretary-General The Financial Control and Advisory Committee (FCAC) monitors and reviews the financial reports and plans once per year before they are presented at the General Assembly. The FCAC also monitors the financial management processes and practices. It submits a report to the General Assembly A certified auditor provides an external audit in line with legal requirements.

7.1. Travel Reimbursements

The reimbursement rules, procedures and deadlines are shared with the participants of each events. Each event and activity has its own rules, procedures and deadlines in line with the rules and procedures of the funders of the activity. As a general principle a person can ask for reimbursement of the travel cost if: the participant attended at least 75% of the meeting all relevant receipts and proof of travel have been handed in within the deadline communicated for each activity Exceptions to these rules regarding participants can only be made in consultation with the Treasurer.

7.1.1. Reimbursement practicalities

Train and other public transport travel costs are reimbursed on the basis of a 2nd class ticket or a 1st class if that option is cheaper. For night trips over 500 km the couchette fee (2nd class) can be covered

Bike trips over 10 km are reimbursed by 1 EUR / km with a maximum of the price of a second class train ticket and with an absolute maximum of 100 EUR

Direct flights as well as combinations of direct flights with ground transportation are to be preferred over multistop flights due to the increased emissions from multiple starts and landings. Due to the high levels of emissions, plane-travel in general should be avoided as much as possible.

Taxi costs will be reimbursed if local transport is not available and if requested in advance from the organisers. The necessity of using a private car must be justified in writing and approved in advance. Travel by car may be reimbursed by 0.2 EUR/km. Depending on the activity, specific reimbursement rules may apply. Car sharing should be approved in advance and should be cheaper than public transportation. T

he costs have to be documented.

FYEG uses the official conversion rates of the European Commission for currencies other than Euro: ec.europa.eu/budget/contracts_grants/info_contracts/inforeuro/inforeuro_en.cfm based on the date of expense if no other donor guidelines apply.

Exceptions are payments with credit cards when the documented conversion rates of the credit card company apply based on credit card payments statements.

7.2. Participation fees

A participation fee to any activity can be demanded and fixed by the Executive Committee, in line with the delegation order.

7.3. Expenses covered

7.3.1. Food and food supplies

The members of the Executive Committee can be reimbursed for food expenses up to maximum 30€ per person for meetings covering an entire day and up to 15€ per person for half-day meetings with at least 4 hours of work. 30 Food reimbursement for other volunteers are fixed by the participating conditions for each event and meeting. FYEG can only cover costs for vegetarian and vegan food. At every event, vegan food should be offered and its consumption encouraged.

7.3.2. Child care

If requested and possible child care will be provided for the Secretary-General, FYEG Office, Executive Committee members, speakers and Prep Team members in order to allow full presence at an event. The child care support can take the form of: covering the travel and accommodation costs for an extra person to provide child care on the spot during the event, covering the fee for a child care professional during the event etc. All the costs should be approved by the Treasurer.

7.4. Executive Committee Members allowance

The members of FYEG Executive Committee are entitled to a monthly allowance up to a maximum of 135 EUR per month. The FYEG EC members are free to claim the allowance depending on their need.

The allowance is meant to cover preparation and participation in the following meetings: FYEG activities, including regular EC meetings; EGP Committee Meetings and Councils; Study Visits to Member Organisations approved by the EC; Other events or meetings approved by the EC.

In addition to the monthly allowance, Executive Committee members are entitled to reimbursement for their costs for travel, accommodation, food and child care costs when travelling, in accordance with the FYEG reimbursement rules. Reimbursement for expenses while travelling can only cover expenses for up to the limit of 1 day before and 1 day after the event/meeting. The EC member in question makes sure the allowance is declared in line with the fiscal rules of their country of fiscal residence. FYEG declines responsibility for any tax liability.

Annex 1: Organisation of the General

Assembly Application Requirements & Procedures for Candidates

Applicant Organisations

Organisations that are applying to become an Associate, Candidate or Full Member of the Federation of Young European Greens should send their application to the Executive Committee before the deadlines set in the Internal Rules and Procedures.

Their application shall contain: a letter signed by their board stating the reason and motivation for their application a copy of the original statutes and a translated version in English a copy of their political platform (or comparable document) and a translated version in English a filled-in questionnaire provided to them by the Executive Committee that includes questions on the number of its members, age limit, list of activities, budget and all other possibly relevant information.

Executive Committee candidates

Candidates for the Executive Committee shall provide in their application form: Filled-in application form that will be made available online A motivation letter, An Outline of their plans are for the organisation or their vision for FYEG Detailed CV Candidates must be proposed by their member organisation and seconded by another FYEG member organisation. One nomination or support letter from the Member Organisation that proposed the candidacy. If a candidate cannot provide a nomination or support letter, the possible candidate has the right to provide a letter of justification. The letter will be shared with the delegates of the General Assembly. The General Assembly will decide, through a vote by two-third majority, whether this person is admitted as a candidate or not. Multiple positions holding FYEG strives to have non-cumulation of positions. Executive Committee members have to be able to combine their commitments to FYEG with whatever other tasks they may have. Candidates to the Executive Committee have to lay open what other mandates and functions they have.

Secretary General candidates:

Secretary General candidates’ application must include: a CV a comprehensive motivation letter, explaining how experiences match the profile, what the candidate thinks they can contribute to FYEG. It should also establish a vision of a European political youth organisation’s role. Special emphasis is given to experiences within FYEG and other Young Green Organisations. the contact details of two references, preferably employers, supervisors or tutors

Further requirements and procedure: A committee for a pre-selection of the candidates will be set up. The committee will consist of 4 people: a current FYEG EC member, a former FYEG Secretary General or office coordinator, one full MO representative and a 4th member (NGO professional worker). Only applications including all required documents and sent before the given deadline will be examined taking into consideration both political and professional skills of the candidates. These candidates will be given a written assignment and interview if this is possible.

The committee will assess the candidates’ experience and skills. Candidates will be given a month to campaign and are expected to present themselves at the GA. The final decision on the Sec-Gen of FYEG lies with the final vote of the GA of the organisation. In case a candidate is not recommended by the committee, they will still be able to apply for the position and present themselves at the GA, but the candidacy will not be endorsed by the EC. In case the Secretary-General wants to renew their mandate and if by the closing of the deadline for the applications for the Secretary-General there are no other applications received, there is no need for the Selection Committee.

FYEG’s Representative to the EGP Committee Candidates:

Candidates to FYEG’s Representative to the EGP Committee must provide: A motivation letter, An outline of their plans are for the organisation or their vision for EGP, specifically as FYEG nominee Detailed CV, highlighting their experiences in FYEG and FYEG Member Organisations A nomination letter from the Member Organisation they belong(ed) to. If that is not possible the Member Organisation, of which the candidate is from, must provide an explanation for the rejection of nomination and the possible candidate has the right to provide a letter of justification.

Further requirements and procedure:

A committee for a pre-selection of the candidates will be set up. The committee will consist of 4 people: one current/former FYEG EC member, a current/former FYEG Co-Spokesperson, a current/former FYEG Secretary General, and one full Member Organisation representative).
Only applications including all required documents and sent before the given deadline will be examined taking into consideration both political and professional skills of the candidates. These candidates will be given an interview if this is possible. The committee will assess the candidates’ experience and skills. Candidates are expected to present themselves at the General Assembly. The final decision on the nominee of FYEG to the EGP Committee is made by the General Assembly.

In case a candidate is not recommended by the committee, they will still be able to apply for the position and present themselves at the General Assembly, but the candidacy will not be endorsed by the EC.

Financial Control and Advisory Committee:

Candidates for the Financial Control and Advisory Committee shall provide: A motivation letter, highlighting their experience in financial management Detailed CV

Ecosprinter Editorial Board:

Candidates for the Ecosprinter Editorial Board shall provide: A motivation letter Detailed CV When applying, the candidate must fill a form to indicate if they belong to an MO. If they don’t belong to an MO, this will be stated on their candidacy page. If they belong to an MO, they need to indicate if their candidacy is endorsed by the MO they belong to. If their candidacy is endorsed by the MO they belong to, this will be stated on their candidacy page. If the MO they belong to does not endorse their candidacy, then the candidate will have to 34 select a reason for this within a set of preselected categories, and write a short statement (not more than 150 words) explaining the situation. The MO they belong to will have the possibility to also submit a short statement (not more than 150 words) responding to this candidacy and exposing their point of view, until 2 weeks before the GA. Both statements will be available on the candidacy page.

Meeting rules to the General Assembly

These meeting rules regulate the formal sessions of the General Assembly. The goal of these meeting rules is to make sure that all participants have an as similar understanding of the formalities of the General Assembly as possible.

Presidency

The General Assembly is presided over by the Presidency. The Presidency consists of four to six people, who must not be candidates to any positions at the General Assembly. In line with the Internal Rules and Procedures, the Presidency is selected by the Executive Committee by an open-call. The General Assembly confirms the Presidency proposed by the Executive Committee before any other decisions are made. The Presidency should elect a chair among themselves. The Chair is the main point of contact for the Executive Committee and the Office during and after the General Assembly. The chair is responsible for making sure that the rest of the Presidency delivers their tasks assigned to them and that all the documents related to the General Assembly (adopted resolutions, minutes, votes and voting cards, and other adopted documents) are finalised handed over the Office and the Executive Committee in the following month after the General Assembly.

The Presidency: chairs the meetings and discussions at the General Assembly prepares the resolutions, amendments and voting procedures for the General Assembly is responsible for taking the minutes of the General Assembly decides who speaks, who takes part in discussion and who can also be suspended from discussions. Can call emergency sessions to the agenda. However this change would need confirmation by a simple two-thirds majority of the full members.

Agenda:

The agenda of the General Assembly is adopted with a simple majority on the first day of the General Assembly. In line with the Statutes, if the member organisations want to add a point to the General Assembly agenda, they should communicate it to the Executive Committee at least 10 days in advance and their proposal must be signed by one-twentieth of the full members. The agenda can only be changed with a simple two-thirds majority of the full members. Proposed changes to the agenda have to be presented in written form to the presidency.

Documents that are noted, amended, approved, disapproved at the General Assembly:

The power and the role of the General Assembly is detailed in the Internal Rules and Procedures. The Executive Committee, the Secretary General, the Ecosprinter Editorial Board, the Financial Control and Advisory Committee and the Advisory Committee presents their reports for the previous years. These reports are heard by the GA, not voted. The Treasurer presents the annual accounts and financial report of the previous financial year and the budget and the financial plan of the upcoming year. These documents can be amended and voted. The Executive Committee presents the Activity Plan and the Strategy Plan (if applicable) for the upcoming year(s). These documents can be amended and voted. The deadlines for presenting and amending these documents are detailed in the Internal Rules and Procedures.

The Presidency is responsible for organising Compromise Amendment Sessions (CAS) to try and find compromises on amendments, so that documents have a higher chance of being adopted.

Compromise Amendment Sessions (CAS):

The Compromise Amendment Sessions are called CAS in short. Everyone who has speaking rights at the General Assembly can attend the compromise amendment session, and it’s advised that all member organisations with voting rights do so. Compromises are made between the member organisations or the body that proposed the original document and the member organisations or the body that proposed the amendment subject to compromise.

It is advised to include other interested Member Organisations in this compromise process so as to further broaden consensus. Amendments to existing documents (Statutes, Internal Rules and Procedures, Political Platform) are only subjected to compromise if the compromise is in the scope of an already submitted amendments. The Presidency may declare a compromise amendment ineligible if its scope is different from the original amendment.

During the Compromise Amendment Session, the proposer of the resolution presents their resolution. The proposer of the amendment presents their amendment. At this point other parties can declare their positions towards the amendment. The proposer of the resolution can adapt the amendments or seek a compromise. If a compromise is reached, it is shared with the delegates of the General Assembly. Unless a Full Member Organisation or the Executive Committee disputes the compromise, it is considered adopted.

If the compromise is disputed, the compromise will be sought until the last day of the General Assembly. It is encouraged that the CAS sessions are organised in advance of the General Assembly, following the deadline for amendments which is one week before the General Assembly. The CAS session can happen online. In the voting, firstly the compromised amendments on the document as whole are voted. Afterwards, the document itself is voted on.

Resolutions

Each resolution should have an international and/or European angle
Each resolution should be supported by at least three Member Organisations
A resolution should always have a call to action
A resolution should preferably be around 5,000 characters but definitely not more than 10,000
The Executive Committee can recommend review of certain resolutions to the Presidency. The Presidency can suggest/demand the proposers of the resolution to withdraw their resolution or to postpone the resolution to the further General Assemblies.

Speaking rights and debates:

Speaking rights are open to all members of FYEG bodies, and all registered participants of the General Assembly. The presidency ultimately decides which individuals are given the opportunity to speak. The speaking time for debates is proposed by the presidency at the beginning of every debate based on the content of the debate and the time assigned for the current session in the agenda. The presidency can change the assigned speaking time based on the time left of the session to better fit the agenda, as they see fit. This might include cutting breaks.

The General Assembly can overrule (with a simple two thirds majority) the presidency’s proposals for speaking time. In such cases the new Agenda proposal must be submitted to the Presidency in a written form. During sessions where debates will take place, participants will be able to submit ‘speaker cards’ before the session. These cards will note if they are for/against, their Member Organisation and their gender.

In vue of the received speaker cards, the Presidency will define the speaker list. Speakers may still be taken from the floor for balance, but those who submit cards will be prioritised The presidency will ensure gender balance on the speaking list. This is done through a strict quotation of the list. Only as many men are allowed to speak as non-men are on the list. The only exception is if people are on the list who haven’t participated in the debate up to that point. They will be chosen before persons that have already made plenty of contributions. The only exceptions to the speakers list are technical points. If someone has a technical point, they must signal the presidency and will be given the floor after the current speaker.

Types of debate:

Open debate:
The debate is open to speakers willing to speak for or against the resolution or amendment being discussed, as well as for contributions that are neither opposed nor in favour. This debate is often used during the Compromise Amendment Sessions.

Con-Pro:
The debate is organised by an alternation of speakers against and for the resolution or amendment being discussed. This debate is often used during the Voting Session of the amendments that goes to vote and the resolutions. It should be noted that all the compromises should be reached before the voting session and the point of the con-pro debate is not to reach a compromise but to explain the positions. Therefore the presidency is encouraged to do only one round of con-pro debates, and if more than one rounds occur time is monitored by the presidency to ensure that overall the ‘pro’ and ‘con’ sides are both allocated equivalent speaking time.

Quorum, voting and majorities:

Quorum, voting rules and majorities are defined in the Internal Rules of Procedures. Voting rules and majorities are defined in the Internal Rules of Procedures A quorum check will be called before the voting sessions.

Safer Spaces

The General Assembly is a space where everybody feels safe, and has an equal opportunity to be heard. The Presidency is responsible for chairing the General Assembly in line with FYEG’s Safer Spaces regulations. The presidency can ban a participant for misconduct for the remainder of a session.

(Queer-)Feminist Council

On a point of order, the women, intersex, nonbinary, trans and agender participants present and entitled to vote may decide whether they wish to hold a Feminist Council. The motion is dealt with with one pro and one con speech, with only those eligible to vote on the motion able to speak; the debate can be opened up beyond these two speeches.

The Feminist Council then deliberates for up to one hour in the absence of the other participants and informs the entire body of the outcome after the end of the Feminist Council. The Feminist Council is considered part of the respective body. The organizers are responsible for a parallel programme dealing with a feminist policy topic for all those not participating in the Feminist Council.

At the Feminist Council, women, intersex, nonbinary, trans and agender people can issue a Feminist vote. In the case of motions that affect the right of self-determination of women, intersex, nonbinary, trans or agender people in terms of form or content or that particularly affect women, intersex, nonbinary, trans or agender people, the Feminist Council has the opportunity to hold a separate vote among women, intersex, nonbinary, trans or agender people before the assembly vote. This Feminist vote is a strong and urgent recommendation to the assembly and shall be understood as such. The feminist vote is a non-binding recommendation.

Annex 2:

Working Group Guidelines

These guidelines are to serve the Working Groups and the Working Group coordinators. Working Group rights and responsibilities:

Working group functions are detailed in the FYEG’s Internal Rules of Procedures. FYEG Working Groups are based on direct democracy and the inclusion of all its members. Most of the Working Group meetings happen online, through the channels of internal communication available to them. Working Group members can have access to usage of the internal communication tools available to FYEG (such as online meeting softwares).

As set out in the Internal Rules of Procedures, the EC is responsible for setting up a new Working Group and for ending the term of a Working Group.

Working Groups can (and not only):
Support FYEG and its bodies in developing policy documents
Provide feedback to FYEG’s internal policies and documents
Create campaigns
Create guidelines, templates, training material, and similar material

All the Working Group activities must be in line with the FYEG Political Platform. Only FYEG’s Executive Committee (EC) has the mandate to speak on behalf of the organisation and engage in partnerships with other organisations. Therefore, any external communication or partnership request needs their approval.

When the Working Group has a request for content to be shared via FYEG’s official channels, firstly, it should be approved by the member of the Executive Committee responsible for the Working Group (hereinafter EC Responsible). Moreover, if the Working Group decides to engage in external partnerships, sign letters of external partners (i.e. organisations other than Green Political Organisations), etc. this must also be approved by the EC Responsible for the Working Group. Finally, if the Working Group needs support from the FYEG Office in matters of communication, administration, finances, etc. the Working Group should communicate a detailed concept, through the Working Group coordinator, to the EC Responsible in a timely manner.

Executive Committee responsibilities:

The EC Responsible is the person appointed among the EC members to be responsible for the Working Group. They are responsible for:
Initial setup of the Working Group: defining the aims, scope, timeframe, publishing a call for Working Group members and coordinators
Choosing the first members of the Working Group and the Working Group coordinators
Meeting with the coordinators to explain their roles and responsibilities
Attend meetings where needed/wanted to (optional) - but in general, it is more important to be aware what they are up to
Keeping track of all their activities and being aware of how the Working Group is progressing and what they are up to
Providing political advice and making sure the Working Group acts in line with FYEG’s Political Platform
Updating the Working Group on FYEG activities related to their topics and purposes

The EC responsible has the possibility to exclude someone from the Working Group on the recommendation of the coordinators or at least three members of the group. The EC has to be informed of the decision. The person has the possibility to appeal to the Advisory Committee.

Working Group coordinator responsibilities

A working group should have two coordinators, at least one of them self-identifying as women, intersex, nonbinary, trans or agender. If it is impossible to find two coordinators even after the EC responsible’s best efforts to do so, an exemption can be made if approved by the FYEG EC. In this case, it is required that either the EC responsible or the Working Group coordinator self-identifies as female, intersex, nonbinary, trans or agender,

Working Group coordinator tasks are as follows:
Set meetings and agendas for Working Group and notifying members of action points afterwards (online Working Group meetings should strive to be planned at least once every two weeks, excluding holidays and exceptional circumstances)
Set up the main communication channels Main point of contact for EC Responsible
Keep the EC Responsible up to date on what’s happening in the Working Group
Keep Working Group members informed and updated on EC’s feedback and recommendations
Steer direction: set priorities, what themes/projects they work on, oversee the work
Coordinate the creation of a Working Group activity plan, guided be the objectives and goals set out at the beginning
Set up subgroups (if necessary or desired)

They do not need to be involved in every single project or attend every meeting, but in their absence should delegate project or meeting moderation to someone else, and keep themselves updated on progress

Annex 3: Safer Spaces Policy

Safer spaces are evolving and not static. We have high expectations on how we behave towards each other in our meetings, actions and social spaces. Making a space safer means different things depending on the group of people involved as each group has different needs. This policy aims to be considered in every meeting involving FYEG, but the document should evolve as we learn and grow. As an organisation we build social relationships inside and outside of meetings and actions. We commit to this Safer Spaces policy wherever we are together, this includes ensuring that ALL spaces are inclusive and harmless.

If someone violates these agreements a discussion or mediation process can happen, depending on the wishes of the person who was affected. If a serious violation happens to the extent that someone feels unsafe, they can be asked to leave the space and/or speak with one member of the Awareness Group. If necessary, the Sexual Harassment Protocol will be activated.

1. Respect! Racism, as well as ageism, GSRM-phobia , sexism, ableism or prejudice based on ethnicity, nationality, class, gender, gender presentation, language ability, asylum status or religious affiliation is unacceptable and will be challenged. FYEG has a zero-tolerance policy with any kind of discrimination, even though we acknowledge that there can be different levels in a breach of a safe space.

2. Be aware of your privileges! Including racial, class and gender privilege and/or less obvious or invisible hierarchies. Think about how your words, opinions and feelings are influenced and who they might exclude or harm.

3. Consent! Respect each other’s physical and emotional boundaries, always get explicit verbal consent before touching someone or crossing boundaries. Don’t assume your physical & emotional boundaries are the same as other people’s.

4. Friendly use of language! Be aware of the language you use in discussion and how you relate to others. Try to speak slowly and clearly and use uncomplicated language especially when non-natives speakers are involved in the conversation.

5. Don’t anticipate yourself! Avoid assuming the opinions and identifications of other participants.

6. Learning; if you don’t understand something, just ask. You may be directed to a book, website or skill share to learn more. It’s ok to make mistakes. Please show appreciation for the hard work of others and be considerate when you offer criticism.

7. Everyone has their turn; give each person the time and space to speak. In large groups, or for groups using facilitation: Raise your hand to speak.

8. Calling out; if you have acted or spoken harmfully, even if unintentionally, expect that someone will bring this up to you. If this happens, listen and reflect on what they are saying even if you think they may be wrong. Don’t try to absolve yourself of responsibility. This policy should be expanded with specific measures and practices to promote the creation of safer spaces.

The EC, Office and all Prep Teams must organise mandatory reflection/awareness sessions dedicated to discussing power dynamics in relation to sexual/romantic relationships within our Federation, being mindful about how they engage with participants and ethical leadership within FYEG. The EC should hold such a reflection/awareness session at a minimum once a year preferably at the first live ECM.

The Office should hold such a reflection/awareness session at a minimum once a year. Prep Teams should hold such a session at least once during a Prep Team meeting before the event they are organizing begins. Discussions on power dynamics and ethical leadership also are incorporated into the onboarding process for new EC members and Office members.

Permanent Awareness Team

The Permanent Awareness Team consists of one member from the EC and one volunteer that is not a member of the EC. Both members are selected by the EC. This team operates in addition to the event-specific awareness groups and are complementary to those. Members of FYEG should be informed of the existence of this team and know that they can contact them regarding situations that make them feel uncomfortable or if they have concerns about the behaviour of EC Members, Office members, or PT members.

The Permanent Awareness Team should be easily accessible via the website, and there should be a contact form available that allows for anonymous submissions. The team is responsible for safeguarding the anonymity of any FYEG members who reach out to them. The Permanent Awareness Team has the authority to make recommendations and propose initiatives in the form of reports to the EC and the General Assembly as needed.

Anti sexual harassment protocol

FYEG has a zero-tolerance policy on sexual harassment at all its events, within all its structures and during all activities. This protocol is applicable for those participating in an FYEG activity (General Assembly, Strategic Planning Committee, Working Group Meeting or any other activity), members of a Member Organization (MO), or members of an online structure of FYEG, referred to as “this organization” from now onwards in this protocol. Anyone who is subject to sexual harassment can approach one of the designated contact points responsible for receiving complaints of sexual harassment.

The Executive Committee will designate an Awareness Group for anyone presenting allegations of physical, verbal or online sexual harassment. In accordance with the IRPs, the Awareness Group will be formed by two persons from the EC who are of different genders. Additionally, every Prep - Team will designate one person to be an independent contact person in our projects. However, this person shall always inform the official contact points if a procedure starts, in the case of their absence, the main contact will be the Project Manager.

When one of these procedures is open in the organization, the EC as a whole must be informed of the procedure without details of the people involved or the presented allegations to respect confidentiality. If a case involves someone from the EC, the case will be brought to the Advisory Committee (AC). The Advisory Committee will act as contact points when a case arises, following this protocol. However, the EC will not be informed until a final decision is made. Important note: These procedures will follow general principles such as the privacy of the survivor, confidentiality of the process and survivor’s choice and preference.

We respect the presumption of innocence of any alleged harasser which is why this procedure is in place and has been approved in the General Assembly. However, as a feminist organization, we also believe in the principle of believing the survivor and putting the burden of the proof on the alleged harasser. This procedure might be applied to an internal case of a MO if this case is related to FYEG activity or if the people involved take part in any FYEG structure. However, we will not be able to extend sanctions or disciplinary measures beyond FYEG.

MOs can however adapt this protocol to their own organization. When the designated people receive a complaint of sexual harassment, they shall:

1. Immediately record the dates, times and facts of the incident(s);

2. ascertain the views of the survivor as to what outcome they want, ensure the survivor feels safe and ensure the survivor is separated from the alleged offender unless the survivor wishes otherwise;

3. ensure that the survivor and the alleged harasser understands FYEG protocol for dealing with the complaint;

4. discuss and agree the next steps with the alleged survivor, informal, formal or outside complaints procedure (police, hospital, embassy, etc.), on the understanding that choosing to resolve the matter informally does not preclude the survivor from pursuing a formal complaint if they are not satisfied with the outcome;

5. keep a confidential record of all discussions. Records will be destroyed if the alleged survivor requests it, or before the change to a new EC. However, a record of sanctions and a brief description of the reason will be kept in a safe place;

6. respect the choice of the survivor;

7. and ensure that the survivor knows that they can lodge the complaint outside of FYEG through the relevant country/legal framework.

INFORMAL COMPLAINTS PROCEDURE

If the survivor wishes to deal with the matter informally, the designated person will:

• Approach the alleged harasser saying that the behaviour is offensive, unwelcome and must be stopped;

• Inform the harasser that FYEG has a zero tolerance policy on sexual harassment and that disregarding this policy may result in the person’s exclusion from the organization

• give an opportunity to the alleged harasser to respond to the complaint;

• ensure that the alleged harasser understands the complaints mechanism;

• facilitate discussion between both parties to achieve an informal resolution which is acceptable to the complainant, provided the alleged survivor agrees,

• ensure that a confidential record is kept of what happened;

• follow up after the outcome of the complaints mechanism to ensure that the behaviour has stopped and that there is no risk of its repetition;

• And ensure that the above is done accurately and at the latest within 10 days of the complaint being made. During events, the procedure shall take place within 48 hours. FORMAL COMPLAINTS PROCEDURES If the survivor wants to make a formal complaint or if the informal complaint mechanism has not led to a satisfactory outcome for the survivor, the formal complaint mechanism should be used to resolve the matter. The designated person who initially received the complaint will communicate to the rest of contact points the opening of a formal complaint procedure. The EC will be informed of this, respecting the confidentiality of the alleged survivor and the allegations. The designated person who initially received the complaint will carry out the investigation with the assistance of the Awareness Group and the independent contact person at the moment in which allegations were presented, if any. They will help the investigator with the analysis and decision making process. A procedure for online harassment shall be developed. The person carrying out the investigation will:

• interview the survivor and the alleged harasser separately

• interview other relevant third parties separately

• decide whether the incident qualifies as sexual harassment within the meaning of this protocol

• produce a report detailing the investigations, findings and any recommendations

• if the harassment took place, decide what the appropriate remedy for the survivor is, in consultation with the survivor (i.e. an apology, a change of structure, suspension..,)

• follow up to ensure that the recommendations are implemented, that the behaviour has stopped and that the survivor is satisfied with the outcome

• if it cannot determine that the harassment took place, they may still make recommendations to ensure proper functioning of the organization

• keep a record of all actions taken

• ensure that all records concerning the matter are kept confidential

• ensure that the process is done as quickly as possible and in any event within 15 days of the complaint being made The general rule is to avoid the presence of the alleged harasser in those places/structures in which the alleged survivor moves. It is vital that the wishes and needs of the survivors are incorporated into the outcome of the complaints mechanism. A data protection protocol will be developed.

OUTSIDE COMPLAINT MECHANISM

This protocol seeks to create a fast and appropriate response to allegations of sexual harassment. However, it does not seek to substitute existing regulation and legislation on this issue. We want to make clear that FYEG wants to be fully supportive with every decision of the alleged survivor. A person who has been subject to sexual harassment can at any time make a complaint outside of the organization. Even though this organization cannot offer legal advice, the contact point(s) will accompany the person to the instance this person prefers (hospital, police, ombudsperson, law courts, embassies, etc.) if they request it.

SANCTIONS AND DISCIPLINARY MEASURES

Anyone who has been found to have sexually harassed another person under the terms of this policy may be sanctioned. Sanctions may include but are not limited to one of the following :

• Verbal or written warning

• Suspension from an elected or non-elected FYEG structure, in line with FYEG IRPs when appropriate

• Dismissal/expulsion Depending on the seriousness of the allegations, the EC, upon request of the Awareness Group may suspend someone from taking part in any FYEG structure or activity during the duration of the process. Confidentiality of the survivor will be maintained.

In case of sexual harassment, violence or discrimination by a member of an elected body within FYEG (Financial Control Committee, Advisory Committee or Ecosprinter Board) the EC can exclude the offender after consulting the full MOs. (cf. 2.2.2). If the case arises within the EC, the Advisory Committee can exclude the offender after consulting the full MOs. The nature of the sanctions will depend on the gravity and extent of the harassment. Suitable deterrent sanctions will be applied to ensure that incidents of sexual harassment are not treated as trivial. Certain serious cases, including physical violence, will result in the immediate dismissal of the harasser.

Guidelines for persons of contact

Read the protocol and understand every aspect What is sexual harassment? It is unwanted behaviour of a sexual nature which: Violates your dignity Makes you feel intimidated, degraded or humiliated Creates a hostile or offensive environment Sexual harassment “can include, but is not limited to”, these examples:

Touching, pinching, stroking, squeezing, or brushing against someone
Leering or ogling
Making LGBTIAQ+-phobic or GSRM (Gender, Sexual and Romantic Minorities)-phobic comments and sexually suggestive signals, winking
Sending unwanted e-mails, text messages, posting sexually-explicit jokes or content on FYEG communication channels
Sexual comments or jokes
Making insults based on a person’s sex or rating their sexuality
Turning work discussions to sexual topics
Physical behaviour, including unwanted sexual advances, touching and various forms of sexual assault
Displaying pictures, photos or drawings of a sexual nature

Remember: Whether harassing intentionally or unintentionally, we all have a responsibility to monitor our behaviour and respect each other. Anyone who reports an incident has the right to remain anonymous. They also have the right to feel safe and respected. Listen and Support It's tough to be prepared when someone tells you that they have been the survivor of sexual harassment.

Remember, you can only provide support. Support and understanding are essential. It takes a lot of courage for a survivor to share their experience; Try to provide a safe/non-judgmental environment, emotional comfort and support for the survivor to express feelings; Let them know that they can talk with you.

Listen. Don’t rush to provide solutions.

Believe. The most common reason people choose not to tell anyone about sexual abuse is the fear that the listener won’t believe them. People rarely lie or exaggerate about abuse; if someone tells you, it’s because they trust you and needs someone to talk to. People rarely make up stories of abuse. It is not necessary for you to decide if they were “really hurt.” If the survivor says they were hurt, that should be enough

Believe what the person tells you. It may have been difficult for them to talk to you and trust you. Unless proven wrong harassment has happened.

Reassure Sexual assault is NEVER the survivor’s fault. No one asks to be sexually assaulted by what they wear, say or do. Let the survivor know that only the perpetrator is to blame; The survivor needs to hear that fears, anxieties, guilt and anger are normal, understandable and acceptable emotions; Remember, no one ever deserves to be abused or harassed.

Be Patient. Don’t press for details – let the person decide how much to tell you. Ask them how you can help; Survivors have to struggle with complex decisions and feelings of powerlessness, trying to make decisions for them may only increase that sense of powerlessness; You can be supportive by helping them to identify all the available options and then help them by supporting their decision making process (here refer to the protocol). The survivor can’t just “forget it” or just move on. Recovery is a long term process and each individual moves at their own pace Encourage Encourage the survivor to seek medical attention, report the assault, and or contact a professional if needed. Remember, the survivor must ultimately make the decision as to what to do. They are the experts in their own lives. Don’t push. Remember, support their choices no matter what they decide.

Respect Privacy - Confidentiality. Don’t tell others what the survivor tells you. Let the individual decide who they will tell. It is important not to share information with others who are not involved; If you do need to share information for their safety, get permission by letting them know what you will share and with whom it will be shared; ie. the rest of contact points in case of a formal complaint

Establish Safety. An important part of helping the survivor is to identify ways in which the survivor can re-establish their sense of physical and emotional safety. You are a step in the process. Ask them what would make them feel safe and how you can help them accomplish this. If the stalking or harassment is ongoing, help them to develop a plan of what to do if they are in immediate danger. Having a specific plan and preparing in advance can be important if the harassment escalates. Things you can say It is hard to know what to say to a person when they confide in you.

Refrain from asking a lot of questions, instead, support them with these phrases. Let the person know that you believe that they have the strengt and capacity to heal.

It’s not your fault

I’m sorry this happened

I believe you

How can I help you?

I am glad you told me

I’ll support your choices

You’re not alone

Use of inclusive language. FYEG aims to use language in its communications and its events that reflects the level of English spoken within an organisation of mostly non-native speakers. FYEG promotes the use of inclusive and accessible language within the organisation. FYEG attempts to reduce the shame of using simple language. We do this to make sure that everyone feels welcome to participate and contribute.

We, the Federation of Young European Greens (FYEG), are the movement of the Green youth at the European level. Our individual and organisational backgrounds lie in the social and environmental justice movements, in feminist and queer battles, and in the defence of fundamental rights and democracy. For more than 30 years, our member organisations have joined forces at the European level, uniting their collective voices and aspirations to learn from each other, to debate, to campaign together, and to make the green Europe we wish to see become a reality.

Through our shared struggles and aspirations, we see that not a single one of our political issues is a lone priority. We refuse to choose between the survival and well-being of the planet, our personal liberties and freedoms, and social welfare. To be Green means to fight for all these demands simultaneously.

To achieve our goal of a feminist, diverse, democratic, sustainable, and social Europe, we use different channels, political arenas, and tools. The institutions of formal politics are spaces in which many decisions affecting our lives and our politics are made. We work to be present and heard at all stages and levels, and to make clear the urgency of Green politics.

FYEG advocates for systemic changes that cannot be achieved through a catalogue of single-issue political measures. They require the dismantling of various systems of oppression and the transformation of society as a whole. Therefore, our fight is not limited to institutions. We are also active at the grassroots level, running campaigns together, supporting local struggles, and empowering changemakers through non-formal education projects.

Our work and practices as a movement must be aligned with what we stand for. We must fight against the sexist, racist, ageist, ableist, class-based systems of oppression – also within our own organisations. Only in this way can we build a truly inclusive movement for all.

The challenges lie not only in victories within institutional politics, but also in changing the political playing field. The dreams and actions of a small number of committed individuals and movements can bring causes to the centre of the political debate and, by doing so, effect much-needed change.

As the Federation of Young European Greens, we agree on the principles laid down in this document, which should serve as a basis for our work across Europe.

11. A Diverse and Feminist Europe

1.1. Diversity and Intersectionality

1.2. Anti-racism

1.3. Disability rights

1.4. Gender

1.5 Religion

1.6. Cultural and Indigenous Rights

2. A Democratic Europe

2.1. The rule of law

2.2. Democracy

2.3. An activist Europe

2.4. Towards a federal Europe

2.5. Public safety

2.6. Digital rights

3. A Sustainable Europe

3.1. An urgent and just transition towards climate neutrality

3.2. Energy

3.3. Water, food and agriculture

3.4. Transport

3.5. Technological Progress

3.4. Animal rights

3.5. Protecting our natural environment

4. A Green and Feminist Economy

4.1. A degrowth transition towards post-growth economies

4.2. Economic structures

4.3. A sustainable economy

4.4. Fiscal policy

4.5. Financial markets

4.6. The digital economy

4.7. Preparedness and Civil Defence

5. A Social Europe

5.1. Fighting poverty

5.2. The future of work

5.3. Discrimination in the workplace

5.4. Housing

5.5. Health

5.5. Education

6. Europe in the World

6.1. Multilateralism

6.2. Feminist foreign policy

6.3. Peace and security

6.4. Migration

6.5. The geopolitical challenges of digitalisation

6.6. Trade and global justice

6.7. A Green European Neighbourhood Policy

Glossary

1. A Diverse and Feminist Europe

FYEG fights for intersectional (see Glossary 91) feminism (see Glossary 63), a feminism that is anti-racist, anti-fascist, and draws from the queer (see Glossary 138) and disability rights movements. A feminism that recognises diversity and the different ways in which privilege (see Glossary 185) and oppression (see Glossary 114) manifest in society. Our feminism is not just about smashing the patriarchy (see Glossary 123), but about smashing all systems of oppression. We are against societies that only feed the dominant power. We push for an alternative model based on justice and equity for those devalued by systems of oppression, one that actively undermines the dominant power.

Systems of oppression seek to divide us, control us, and harm everyone in society. We will not let them. We fight any kind of discrimination or hate crime on the basis of real or assumed nationality, race, ethnicity, religion or beliefs, gender and sexual identity, ideology, disability, class, or age. We recognise the difference and diversity among people and societies in Europe, and see this as a richness.

We advocate for policies created with people who experience discrimination and support affirmative action for underrepresented groups. We demand anti-discrimination laws. Governments must take measures to ensure the safety and health of marginalized groups.

As we work for a Europe which is truly welcoming and inclusive for all, we take a twofold approach. First, we work for social justice (see Glossary 155) and equality now – within the limits of the current norms, within the systems that constrain us – while recognising that this can never be social justice for everyone and that, in this way, only small gains are made. Second, we question the systems, we think them anew, in order to break free from the norms and boundaries that constrain us.

Systems of oppression are a social construct and can therefore be deconstructed, with the help of collective action and organising. We can imagine and give life to new systems that work for all. We question human-made borders, the arbitrariness of passports and permits, and the dichotomy of binary gender (see Glossary 38).

1.1. Diversity and Intersectionality

Global systems of patriarchy, capitalism, colonialism and racism, and their byproducts, ableism, cis- and hetero-sexism and colourism, among others, intersect to create overlapping and mutually reinforcing layers of oppression and inequality. The solutions we push for must therefore be rooted in an intersectional perspective. When approaching a specific case of oppression, we should not lose sight of the bigger framework in which oppression takes place, as well as othersystems of inequality associated with it.

When fighting inequality and tackling societal problems, we keep in mind that a person’s identity has many facets and oppose approaches which define a group as homogenous and based on a single identity.

We understand that all dimensions of a person’s identity contribute to a person’s access to justice and equality. Inequality can take many forms, ranging from the lack of representation of a specific identity in the public sphere to the criminalisation of identities. Our aspiration is a world in which such inequalities are dismantled, and people can express themselves and their identities freely and without fear. When new policies are proposed at all levels of governance, they should be analysed from an intersectional perspective, taking into account the individual, systemic, institutional and historical dimensions of inequality to ensure that no one is left behind.

1.2. Anti-racism

Today, European societies remain deeply racist. In such a context, it is not enough to simply not be racist – we must be anti-racist. Racism is not only about hate speech and hate crime: it is the systemic discrimination against and oppression of people on the basis of their supposed membership of a particular racial or ethnic group. It includes antiziganism, antisemitism (see Glossary 4), and islamophobia (see Glossary 93). It is built through the perpetuation of prejudices, as well as the belief that there are different races and that some races are superior to others. In the case of antisemitism, this ‘belief’ has evolved into a world-explaining conspiracy ideology which sees all evil in Jews and their destruction as the liberation from evil. Antisemitism is a continual presence in society in its entirety and antisemitic attitudes can be found across all groups of society. We must always fight antisemitism in all its forms and appearances,including in an anti-racist context.

European societies are built on the ongoing oppression and discrimination of racialised people (see Glossary 140), including Black people, people of colour, Roma and Traveller communities, Indigenous peoples, Muslims, and Jews. Today, racialised people are still second-class citizens in Europe. This oppression is visible in the institutions, on the streets, and in culture. Racialised people face police violence and are discriminated against in all aspects of life, from job opportunities to access to healthcare and housing. Hate and discrimination with respect to religions and religious individuals and groups also forms an important part in analysing certain social phenomena, including hate crimes, discriminatory acts and anti-religious sentiments, in an anti-racist context. Though they are not related to race and/or ethnicity, they still intersect with other parts of one's identity and are also being unjustly conflated with the race and/or ethnicity.(See Religion).

Race should be understood as a social construct and as a category that is used to discriminate against people of colour and other racialised groups, and not as a biological reality.

Racism in Europe is, among others, rooted in the colonial and imperialist history of European countries. The ideologies and inequalities that it created are still present today. To properly tackle racism, Europe must face up to its colonial past and recognise the racism present in European history, societies, cultures, and institutions. An appropriate response to this must include monetary reparations for the former colonies of European states, as well as the return of stolen artefacts currently exhibited and kept in European museums. The colonial art restitution debate is a necessity and key contribution to the decolonization of these relationships.

As racism is a structural and systemic problem, public and private institutions must review and change their structures and processes. FYEG supports mechanisms to dismantle racism and achieve justice for those who are marginalised by systemic racism. We support the introduction of mechanisms of affirmative action including access to higher education or public jobs. States must fight discrimination in access to healthcare, jobs, justice, and education. To ensure that the population and in particular the next generation is educated about racism, curricula should be designed that cover different forms and appearances of racism, its history, systemic and structural causes and who has benefitted from this. Equipped with this knowledge and tools to reflect their situation and circumstances of living, individuals have to recognise their own privileges, educate themselves, and join in solidarity with people and communities affected by racism.

More specifically, FYEG strongly believes that addressing racial oppression holds the key to achieving not only social justice but also climate justice and equity. Racialised activists have been at the forefront of justice struggles. In their struggles they are either made invisible by white people or have been disproportionately targeted by state violence. It is essential for our movements to recognise and actively fight against the mechanisms that have resulted in the exclusion and silencing of racialised activists.

1.3. Disability rights

FYEG supports the rights and fights of disabled people. Disability can refer to physical or intellectual impairments and can include mental and/or chronic health conditions. Ableism (see Glossary 1) is discrimination or social prejudice against disabled people, such as assuming a disabled person does not have the same capabilities as an able-bodied person to perform certain tasks or roles within society.

Being disabled should not limit a person's choices to be present in public spaces, interact with the world around them, and take part in social, political, and cultural activities. FYEG supports the social model of disability, which sees that social environments exclude and impair people, prevent them from exercising their autonomy, and reduce equality, rather than the person's own impairment.

To remove these barriers, FYEG supports a holistic approach to increasing accessibility which puts disabled people at the centre of policy development. Policies must be created by them and for them. FYEG recognises that disability is unique to each individual and their own experience, and that there can be no one-size-fits-all policy or healthcare approach.

We believe that sign language should be recognised by all states as an official language, and that access to sign language, braille, and other methods of communication should be broadened. FYEG also believes that all barriers should be removed that prevent disabled people fromaccessing their civil and political rights; these can include physical and social barriers. means ensuring that disabled people are properly represented in political life and decision-making processes. Representation must be meaningful, not symbolic, and must include disabled voices at every level.

FYEG supports the implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD), and particularly the right to independent living, personal autonomy, and full inclusion in community life.

When it comes to healthcare treatment for disabled people, medical professionals should work on the assumption that individuals are capable of giving consent unless they are informed otherwise. Medical professionals should not proceed with any form of treatment without first seeking the consent of the person receiving the treatment.

1.4. Gender

FYEG works towards a world in which people can thrive and know it is safe to be themselves, regardless of their sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression, and sex characteristics.Gender-based violence (see Glossary 72) is a brutal violation of human rights. It affects people of all social and economic backgrounds across Europe. Women of colour, women with disabilities, LGBTQIA+ (see Glossary 100) women, migrant women, and poor and working-class women are most likely to be at risk and face the biggest obstacles to getting help.

The historical, systemic exclusion of marginalised genders at all levels of political decision-making, from local to European institutions, finally needs to stop. Different mechanisms, including quotas, can help to correct this, and ensure the proportional representation of all gender identities in assemblies at all levels of government in Europe.

Our long-term aspiration is a fluid world. We recognise that labels, while helping us to identify how to fight for rights and justice in a system built against us, cannot represent the spectrum of identities and expressions we embody. Our short-term task is to work for LGBTQIA+ rights, to work for sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR), to fight against gender-based violence, and to continue to advocate for gender equality at all levels of society – at home, in the workplace, in politics, etc. We work towards a world in which every person has the right to live freely according to their gender identity and gender expression, and the right to self-determination (see Glossary 148) and bodily autonomy (see Glossary 12).

a. Sexual and reproductive health and rights, combatting discrimination and

gender-based violence

Sexual and reproductive health and rights should be part of all educational curricula and should be effectively implemented in all schools. The sexual education curriculum should be non-judgemental, sex positive, consent-focused, and comprehensive enough to cover sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression, and sex characteristics. More funding and research should be allocated to sexual education and reproductive healthcare.

We demand free, accessible, good quality, and safe sexual and reproductive healthcare and services for all. Healthcare should be based on human rights, bodily autonomy, and informed consent (see Glossary 89) for all, especially the most vulnerable groups, such as trans people (see Glossary 166), people with disabilities, people without papers, and migrants. Additionally, there must be appropriate funding for gender specific medical research since women, trans (see Glossary 166) and gender non-conforming persons usually don't exist in medical research at all or only as pathologised objects. This must change.

Free and accessible sexual and reproductive healthcare should include accessible and free contraception for all, as well as medically-assisted procreation (see Glossary 103). There will also be more money for research into new forms of contraception, such as the male pill. Pink tax discrimination (see Glossary 126) should end. Menstrual products should be cost-free and freely accessible everywhere, including schools, universities, and public toilets. Wherever there is free toilet paper there should be free menstrual products. Gender-neutral toilets will be realized in all publicly accessible buildings and for employees. In large buildings, there will be at least one toilet on each floor that is accessible to everyone. Toilet shortages shouldn't be a problem for anyone. Each year thousands of people die because of the criminalisation of and lack of access to abortion. Banning abortion only causes greater harm to those who seek it, who then undergo serious health, legal, and financial risks to have an abortion illegally. We condemn all attempts to restrict access to abortion. We advocate for free, accessible, non-judgemental, good quality, safe,legal, and local abortion. The right to abortion must be included in the EU’s Charter of Fundamental Rights (see Glossary 50).

Certain countries require trans people wishing to access legal gender recognition procedures to undergo forced sterilisation. This violates their dignity and right to bodily autonomy and must be banned. Non-consensual surgeries on intersex people (see Glossary 92) should also be outlawed. States must ban all dehumanising practices and offer reparations to all trans and intersex people who have been forced to renounce their bodily autonomy in this way.

The stigmatisation of HIV (see Glossary 83) must end. HIV treatment is highly effective in reducing the transmission of HIV and people with an undetectable viral load cannot transmit HIV. Legal discrimination against people with HIV must stop. More funds should be allocated to education and raising awareness on HIV and HIV prevention, as well as to research and treatment. HIV treatment, HIV prevention, and testing for HIV should be free and universally accessible.

Women and girls (cis and trans) are often exposed to serious forms of physical violence including domestic violence, sexual assault, and rape. We demand the legal definition of rape to respect individual self-determination. Today, rape is generally defined as sexual intercourse with a person by forcible compulsion; sexual intercourse with a person who is incapable of consent by reason of being physically helpless or mentally incapacitated; or sexual intercourse with an underage person. We demand for it to be defined by lack of consent, not by the threat of violence.

All European countries must implement the Istanbul Convention (see Glossary 94). The Convention sets out measures to address all forms of violence against women, recognising this violence as a human rights violation and a form of discrimination. Countries need to provide clear and concise information for victims in a language they understand, accessible and inclusive shelters, and telephone hotlines. We demand that all European countries have a harmonized and clear definition of femicide, domestic violence and gender-based violence and its penalization.

We acknowledge the gender-based discrimination of women in the labour market, including the underpayment of historically female-dominated occupations. We therefore demand equal pay for equally valuable work and an end to discrimination based on pregnancy and parenthood.

b. LGBTQIA+ rights

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer, intersex, and asexual rights are still under attack in our patriarchal, capitalist system. Even today, conservative governments are trying to take away the hard-earned freedoms and rights of LGBTQIA+ people. Homophobia (see Glossary 81) and transphobia (see Glossary 167) can fuel hate speech and hate crime and should be criminalised.

Every person should have the right to live according to their sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression freely and without fear. So- called “conversion therapy” (see Glossary 28) is dehumanising and must be banned and prosecuted immediately. The relationships of same- and opposite-sex couples and their families should enjoy equal recognition. All couples have a right to family life. This includes the right to adoption and foster care, the right for all people with a uterus to have access to medically assisted procreation (see Glossary 103), and the right of equal access to sperm donation, regardless of their sexual orientation, health or relationshipstatus. IVF treatments should be equally reimbursable to all couples. Marriages and civil unions must be open to all couples, and those recognised in one European country must also be and automatically fully recognised in all others.

Trans women are women, trans men are men, being non-binary is valid, and trans rights are human rights. Mandatory mental health assessments violate trans people’s dignity and right to self-determination and should be banned. We demand legal gender recognition procedures for all genders and none, and the right to change names in an auto-declarative and unconditional manner. These procedures should be quick, transparent, accessible, free, based solely on individual self- determination, and without age restrictions. Additionally, we call for the removal of all sex markers in identity documents, including passports.

1.5 Religion

Pluralistic societies (see Glossary 128) depend on enabling a safe space in which each person is free to believe or not believe, practise their beliefs, observe their beliefs, and organise for their beliefs. We fight against islamophobia (see Glossary 93) and antisemitism (see Glossary 4), and condemn any kind of discrimination and hate speech against people based on their religion. We believe in a pluralistic society built on dialogue. The right to religious freedom and the right to practise religion freely must be protected under national and European law. We oppose the idea that religion is by nature a divisive issue and a source of tensions, and that people should hide their religious beliefs or feel ashamed of them.

We stand for a secular state (see Glossary 153) in which there is a separation between religion and government, and where religious laws are not considered to be above or outside civil law. We believe states should not give preferential treatment to any religion or religious persons and organisations over other citizens and charities as this creates a discriminatory system. Workers should have the right to celebrate the holidays of their own religion without facing discrimination or penalisation. The wearing of religious symbols should not be used as a reason to exclude people from education, work, public services, or public spaces.

1.6. Cultural and Indigenous Rights

FYEG stands for cultural rights. The colonial, imperialist, discriminatory and assimilationist policies in European countries have left ethnic, cultural and national minorities heavily marginalised and vulnerable. We defend the right of individuals and communities, including national minorities, to practise and preserve their cultures, including their languages, religions, art forms, and ways of life. Ethnic, cultural and national minorities must have strong legal protection, sufficient and stable funding and cultural autonomy in support of their efforts to revitalise, retain and develop their languages, cultures and ways of life. We support the implementation of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages by all European states (see Glossary 54).

FYEG also recognises the importance of respecting and protecting indigenous european populations. For some of them, despite having used the land they live on for thousands of years, their rights are ignored when it comes to decisions that directly affect their economic and social wellbeing, and their cultures risk being eroded and destroyed. FYEG stands for education for the general population to reduce dated views about indigenous populations based on ignorance and prejudice, and a recognition of their economic and social rights to continue their ways of life. This should include local self-determination on issues such as mining, animal herding as well as promotion and protection of indigenous cultures and languages. We support efforts to ensure that these rights are harmonised across artificial political borders, such as through international conventions.

Europe and the European Union (EU) must provide support and offer asylum to those whose cultural rights are being violated elsewhere.

2. A Democratic Europe

Democracy is increasingly under attack, both in Europe and elsewhere. Authoritarian leaders ignore democratic principles and violate the rule of law (see Glossary 149) – even within the EU. Some states proclaim themselves to be so-called “illiberal democracies” (see Glossary 86). At the same time, technological and digital developments are having wide-reaching implications for fundamental rights, posing substantial challenges to our democracies, while also bringing new possibilities for democratic participation and new forms of activism.

FYEG fights for a Europe and a EU which are truly democratic and embrace and encourage the active participation of their inhabitants. We advocate for the strong protection of the rights of these inhabitants, especially the most vulnerable, young people, and those that engage in activism in order to better our societies.

2.1. The rule of law

The rule of law is an essential element of democratic societies. In recent years, attacks on the rule of law have multiplied in several European countries, with women and minorities most strongly affected. FYEG stands for reinforcing the independence of the judiciary, accelerating the fight against corruption, and guaranteeing the independence of the media.

In the EU, we call for the full implementation of Article 7 of the Treaty on EU (see Glossary 6) allowing for the scrutiny and possible suspension of a Member State’s voting rights in the Council of the EU if they fail to respect the fundamental values of the Union including the rule of law, in the short term. This decision should be taken via qualified majority (see Glossary 137). In the long term, the power to impose sanctions on member states and to suspend voting rights of member states in the Council should become matters for the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU)(see Glossary 33). FYEG also supports the implementation of a strong rule of law mechanism (see Glossary 150), according to which the granting of EU funding is made conditional uponMember States’ respect of the rule of law and fundamental rights.

While implementing those tools, we must ensure that citizens are not disadvantaged by their governments’ poor behaviour. It should be made possible to bypass corrupt national governments and for EU funds to be directly assigned to local authorities or final beneficiaries. We also call for increased support for organisations that are fighting for democracy, press freedom, fundamental rights, and the rule of law, for example through the EU Rights and Values programme (see Glossary 52).

The European judicial system should be reinforced. The Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) (see Glossary 33) should have more power to protect citizens and uphold fundamental rights, including human rights, democracy, freedom of the press and independent judiciary. We support reinforcing the prerogatives and powers of the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (see Glossary 61) to investigate and press charges in more fields, beginning with corruption, the misuse of public money, and international crime.

2.2. Democracy

FYEG supports representative democratic systems in which citizens elect representatives to debate issues and make decisions on their behalf. We support parliamentary systems (see Glossary 121) over presidential systems (see Glossary 130) in which power is concentrated in the hands of a single person and proper debate is not possible. Representatives should be elected using a system of proportional representation (see Glossary 135).

Those current systems in which elected officials are seen as being cut off from citizens and not accountable to the electorate are clearly not functioning well enough and are creating mistrust in democracy itself. Action is needed at several levels to protect and improve our democratic systems.

To complement representative democratic systems, FYEG supports introducing and reinforcing direct democracy mechanisms such as participatory budgeting (see Glossary 122), special assemblies composed of randomly chosen citizens, citizens’ initiatives, the right to petition, citizen-initiated referendums (see Glossary 22), especially on a local level, the right to challenge (see Glossary 146), and representative recalls (see Glossary 144). Democratic institutions should also be made more transparent, with all debates open or publicly available, public registers detailing the financial interests of every elected official, and full transparency on lobbying activities.

But this is not enough: any democracy which does not provide adequate space for debate and reflection is no true democracy, and FYEG therefore supports efforts to create deliberative democracies. Through providing public spaces and opportunities for rational debate and discussion between members of the public and not just talking political heads, through citizenship, deliberation, and participation education in schooling we can ensure that the policies of today that will shape the future - such as on climate change - are well thought out.

FYEG is also supportive of the subsidiarity principle (see Glossary 158). Every decision that affects the lives of citizens should be taken at the level that is closest to them, where they can more easily play an active role and hold their representatives accountable. Local and regional governments should be given more power, and their participation in decision-making processes at the European level should be reinforced. Forms of democracy inspired by the principles of commons (see Glossary 26) and based on the public, democratic management of the commons should be implemented to the greatest possible extent. Our aim needs to be to create liveable, democratic spaces in our towns and cities.

The right to take part in democratic processes should be open to as many people as possible and should be based primarily on a person’s place of residence rather than nationality. All foreign citizens should enjoy the right to vote in their place of residence for all elections. Nobody should be deprived of the right to vote because of their age, nationality, ethnicity, the fact that they are in prison, or any other criteria. Young people in particular are systematically excluded from decision-making processes. FYEG also stands for lowering the voting age to 16 with the prospective to lower the voting age further. Gender quota systems for elections are important tools to redress the underrepresentation of women in politics and should be further adapted to include all underrepresented genders.

Action needs to be taken to enable the civic participation of groups and communities that are excluded from participation in decision-making processes. FYEG recognizes that in our society, women, non-binary people, gender non- conforming people, socio-economically disadvantaged people and young people are subjected to higher burdens to political participation, as well as to violence and tokenism. Discrimination constitutes an attack on democracy. Strengthening training, supporting youth political organisations, using non-formal education methods, using gender balanced lists of speakers and quotas are all examples of interventions that build towards full and meaningful participation of all groups in society, thus to the legitimacy of democratic processes.

2.3. An activist Europe

Democratic participation must never be limited to the polling booth. The right to protest is a fundamental part of democratic culture and must be protected. We encourage active participation in our democracies, not only through political organisations but also through civil society and activist work. The EU, its Member States, and other European states must actively support and encourage civil society and youth political engagement. FYEG engages itself to promote regenerative forms of activism that protect members’ physical and mental well- being, and urges the social and environmental movements it partners up with to do so as well.

The right to organise and to take part in protests freely, without experiencing threats, intimidation, or violence, should be protected. We also defend the right of journalists and citizens to document demonstrations and police activities during those demonstrations.

In their work for a better society, activists often make use of civil disobedience (see Glossary 23). While the authorities may not welcome its use, their reaction to civil disobedience is often disproportionate to the point of being unacceptable. The rights of activists must be defended under all circumstances.

This also applies to cases in which actions to bring about effective climate action or defend human rights go against the law as it stands.

FYEG stands for reinforcing the protection and the support to whistleblowers, as they reveal information and documents of public interest and for the common good.

2.4. Towards a federal Europe

Most of the challenges Europe is facing cannot be solved at the local or national level alone. A stronger, more integrated, and federal Europe (see Glossary 62) is needed to address citizens’ demands.

As the only directly elected EU institution, the European Parliament (see Glossary 60) is key to building a stronger Europe. In the short term, its Members should be elected partly on national lists and partly on Union-wide lists, while ensuring the fair representation of all Member States. Instead of being presented with the European Council’s (see Glossary 57) choice of European Commission (see Glossary 55) president, the European Parliament should be able to elect the candidate of its choice. We believe Commissioners should not be appointed by Member States but chosen by Members of the European Parliament while guaranteeing fair representation of Member States. Moreover, the European Parliament should have the right to initiate legislation.

We call on Member States to find a solution to the issue of the seats of different EU institutions, while making sure all decision-making bodies are not concentrated in the same city, country or part of the EU, but are spread across the whole EU. Moreover, the costly moving circus of the European Parliament should be stopped.

Many long-awaited progressive initiatives have been blocked by the Council of the EU (see Glossary 32). In the short term, decisions at the Council should be taken by qualified majority (see Glossary 137) and not by unanimity (see Glossary 175) on budgetary, social, and fiscal policy. This would both facilitate European action in many fields and reinforce the influence of the European Parliament.

In the long term, FYEG demands the election of a European citizens’ convention.

This body would be responsible for drafting an EU constitution that would replace the existing treaties and pave the way for a federal and truly democratic EU. This EU constitution should then be voted on through a Union-wide referendum.

A stronger EU requires a real EU budget. The EU budget should be substantially increased, in particular by giving the EU its own power to levy taxes for its “own resources” (see Glossary 116) such as a European kerosene (see Glossary 96) tax, a carbon tax (see Glossary 18), a carbon border adjustment mechanism (see Glossary 14), a tax on tech giants, and a tax on financial transactions (see Glossary 162) (see Chapter 4 – Fiscal policy). The EU may levy taxes in certain areas based on the principle of subsidiarity. This will reduce the dependence on Member States' contributions and will allow for more effective taxation in certain areas than a Member State could do on its own. When establishing these Europe-wide taxes, the economic differences between Member States must be taken into account, whereby a Europe-wide tax must not increase inequality between Member States or hit poorer Member States harder. The EU should also be able to issue bonds to contribute to its budget. We call for deepened European defence cooperation and in the long term the development of further interoperability between EU member states armies.

2.5. Public safety

We believe that every person in our societies should be safe and feel safe. Today’s mainstream public safety policies are not fulfilling that objective: many citizens still feel unsafe and are being attacked based on their gender, appearance, supposed sexual orientation, or gender identity, and on racist and xenophobic (see Glossary 187) grounds. Violence is still a major part of our societies. A public safety policy that aims to end violence by employing even more violence, and that is executed at the expense of public freedoms and fundamental rights, is doomed to fail. FYEG stands for a reinvention of public safety policy based on prevention and rehabilitation rather than violence and repression.

Prevention should be central. We believe that, among others, better education, the teaching of nonviolent communication, gender equality, and tackling racism contribute to reducing the level of violence in society. Public safety is interlinked with social policies. Implementing stronger social policies and fighting against poverty is key to improvement in the long term. We support the integration of stronger, more situation-specific social policies in neighbourhoods with the highest levels of poverty. Prevention recognises that the police cannot be the solution to every issue. Specific personnel such as psychologists and street and other social workers can work better with people in certain psychological states, with homeless people, and with victims of violence. These jobs should be supported and better funded.

The police has become a cornerstone of failing public safety policies. While we believe some form of policing is needed, the police needs to be fundamentally changed. A zero-tolerance policy on racism, sexism, and other hateful conduct in the police is essential. The police should be made accountable for its actions and an independent police oversight body should be put in place to investigate police violence and other complaints. Democratic scrutiny of the police, in which police chiefs are accountable to local assemblies and regularly answer questions during public sessions, is of critical importance. Additionally, policing must be demilitarised. It is unnecessary for the police to have military-like vehicles and heavily armed officers with assault rifles and grenades. There must be structural change – a movement away from state-sponsored violence and repression and towards prevention and cooperation as tools for dealing with conflict in our societies. Defunding the police would lead to this structural change by refocusing public money towards social good.

We also support the improvement of the employment and working conditions of police employees. In some countries, many are overworked and under a lot of pressure, have poor working conditions, and receive low salaries. This contributes to an increased use of violence, higher levels of corruption, and poor quality service. Police employees should receive better training, especially concerning gender-based violence, the tackling of unconscious bias (see Glossary 176), nonviolent communication, and nonviolent conflict resolution techniques.

Certain policies such as drug policies and migration policies create avoidable violence. The criminalisation of the use, cultivation, and selling of drugs, as well as the criminalisation of migration, actively supports the development of underground mafia systems who rely on the use of violence. FYEG stands for the legalisation of drugs (see Glossary 97) and opening borders as a way of reducing violence and reinforcing security (see Chapter 5 – Health).

The judicial system also has a role to play in the prevention of crime by repeat offenders, by ensuring that convicted people receive adequate psychological support, prioritising alternatives to prison, and promoting the rehabilitation and reintegration of convicted people.

2.6. Digital rights

As citizens’ use of digital products increases, digital rights become more and more important. FYEG believes digital rights are key to fully exercising other fundamental rights, such as the right to access information held by public authorities, to freedom of opinion and expression, and to political activism. Digital activism has become an important part of political activism and must be defended. We therefore stand for an internet in which those rights can be fully exercised and for a regulatory framework that fully protects citizens.

Digitalisation (see Glossary 39) should not be an excuse for states and companies to spy on citizens. Communication via the internet must be protected by encryption. We oppose government-requested loopholes or the weakening of that encryption. The secrecy of correspondence (see Glossary 152) should be extended to include all digital communication, including metadata (see Glossary 104). We defend the principle of self- determination in relation to one’s personal data, as well as the outlawing of mass data retention (see Glossary 102) by private companies. Targeted advertisements and third- party cookies should be made illegal. The right to be forgotten (see Glossary 145) should also be protected.

FYEG believes in the power of free software and open source-based platforms (see Glossary 113), which must be strengthened by the EU in order to guarantee full transparency in the fight for consumer rights. Alternatives to tech giants should be established that abide by these principles. In order for alternatives to emerge, it is essential to defend the principle of net neutrality (see Glossary 110).

We fight for access to the internet and an accessible internet. This means universal access to the necessary infrastructure and broadband, as well as internet access at no charge. It also means accessibility for disabled people through the mainstreaming of subtitles, alternative text (see Glossary 2), etc. It is also vital to ensure that people from different backgrounds have equal opportunities to use digital domains. For language minorities it is often difficult or impossible to use their own languages digitally as they lack sufficient digital infrastructure, such as localised software, keyboard layouts, grammar checkers and online dictionaries. The development of language technology resources for minority languages must be supported in order to ensure digital language equality.

In times in which almost everyone and everything is digitally connected, we also fight for a stronger right to disconnect (see Glossary 147) for workers.

Digital and technological developments have the power to fundamentally change our societies. The opportunities these technologies bring must be used to strengthen democratic participation. Online pseudonymity must be protected as this is key for people to express their political or personal opinions without fear and without risking negative consequences. The digital sphere is not a lawless space. Private companies that are active in the digital sphere must be regulated and pay their fair share of taxes.

Discrimination and hate speech in the digital sphere must be recognised as problematic, and combatted. This includes developments in the realm of artificial intelligence (see Glossary 7), which has the potential to transform our societies for the better but also risks reinforcing existing discrimination through biased algorithms. More attention should be paid to the negative consequences of automated decision-making. Automated decision-making that can lead to discrimination and ethnic profiling should be regularly tested and adapted to counter this.

The spread of disinformation and fake news has the potential to undermine our democracies and must be dealt with accordingly by effective legislation and training. This includes protection against foreign interference in democratic processes and the fight against terrorism. The pursuit of these goals must never be used as an excuse to pass legislation that restricts the freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, or other fundamental rights. We oppose the use of upload filters (see Glossary 180).

3. A Sustainable Europe

The climate crisis is the largest threat facing humanity. FYEG considers the current economic system of material growth and environmental exploitation as a root cause of climate change. To stop climate change, we need a shift towards a democratic economy able to properly address environmental damage, the use of natural resources and the voices of groups affected (see chapter 4). Without urgent action, it will jeopardise many human achievements and fundamental rights, endanger food and water supply, and put many territories at risk. Climate change is also likely to have important geopolitical consequences.

FYEG considers the impacts of climate change as a real injustice. Those who are the most responsible for climate change are least likely to be affected by it, whereas those who are the least responsible will bear the brunt of its negative effects. FYEG believes it is essential to adopt an intersectional approach highly critical of capitalism when analysing the causes and effects of the climate crisis. We advocate for just solutions to the climate crisis that take into account the racial, gender, class, age, disability, and colonial dimensions of the climate crisis.

Since the adoption of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (see Glossary 173) in 1992, the Paris Agreement (see Glossary 120) in 2015, and the declaration of climate emergency by the European Parliament in 2019, and thanks to the work of many activists and scientists, awareness of the seriousness of the crisis has grown. But the actions that have been taken to tackle climate change, including those of the EU, are still widely insufficient. The world is still on track for an increase in global temperatures way above 2 degrees Celsius compared to pre-industrial levels (see Glossary 170).

The climate crisis is not the only global existential crisis humanity is facing. The biodiversity crisis is also a reality, the seriousness of which is still being underestimated. The sixth mass extinction (see Glossary 154), resulting from human activity, is accelerating. Various sources of pollution are still the cause of many diseases and deaths.

FYEG considers these crises as symptoms of an economic system that relies on unlimited economic growth, the exploitation of animals and nature. We need to rethink that relationship and offer concrete solutions to these crises.

3.1. An urgent and just transition towards climate neutrality

FYEG supports the objective of maintaining global warming below 1.5 degrees Celsius. Much stronger action is needed to fight climate change, directly tackling root causes. This implies changing our entire economic system in an extremely short time altering our production and consumption patterns, in a just way, for emissions to drop overall. These types of shifts cannot be done by the market; instead, strong action from the state is needed.

European countries historically holds greater responsibility for climate change than most parts of the world. This means that European Countries holds a bigger responsibility to tackle climate change and its worldwide consequences. European countries and the EU must be the frontrunner in reducing their greenhouse gas emissions. Countries with the most resources should be even more ambitious and reach their climate objectives earlier,

FYEG supports the objective of reaching climate neutrality in Europe by 2035. We encourage EU member states to implement a general tax on greenhouse gas emissions. The amount of the levy is equal to the damage that the greenhouse gas can cause per kilogram. In addition, this amount can be higher if it appears that the objectives are not being achieved. FYEG is also in favour of further using the European emission trading system by drastically lessen the number of emission rights.

Europe must also provide support in reducing their greenhouse gas emissions to poorer countries, including via financial support and technology transfer. It must also assist them in tackling the effects of climate change, as well as supporting them in making their societies, their economies, and their food and water supplies more resilient to climate change. We must also be careful to ensure that Europe’s path to climate neutrality does not involve externalising emissions to third countries. Instead, it should aim to reduce the emissions caused in third countries as a result of European consumption.

Globally, but also within Europe, the transition towards a climate neutral economy must be socially just. We are concerned about the unequal impact of climate change and of environmental hazards which often disproportionately affect poor people and marginalised groups. We need to make sure our response to the climate crisis does not reinforce existing inequalities. For example, the extraction of rare minerals needed for this transition should not be at the expense of the populations of the countries in which those minerals can be found. While we believe that technological progress has an important role to play in solving the climate and biodiversity crises, we are critical of approaches that tend to overestimate the positive impact of uncertain future technologies to avoid addressing core issues and engage in systemic change. An example is carbon capture and storage (see Glossary 15), often used as a reason for less ambitious emissions targets, in spite of the fact that the technology has not yet been fully developed.

Current mainstream environmental and climate policies do not affect everyone in the same way. FYEG calls for those policies to be both socially just and to fight inequalities. We call for support measures for every worker at risk of losing their job because of the transition towards a carbon neutral economy (see Glossary 16). They should receive help including, but not limited to, having a job guaranteed and having access to retraining. It is also important to reinforce our social welfare mechanisms (see chapter 5) and to take into account the gender and racial aspects of a just transition (see Glossary 95). Failure to tackle the climate crisis would have terrible implications for all, including workers. We should take the opportunity to rethink working conditions in the context of the ecological transition. We should make the transition a just transition.

3.2. Energy

In order to meet our climate objectives, a deep transformation of our energy system is needed. Europe must phase out all fossil fuels, starting with coal and fracked gas (see Glossary 68), which must be phased out in Europe by 2027 at the latest. This includes first and foremost the stopping of imports of fossil fuels directly or as soon as possible according to WTO trade law from authoritarian regimes committing the most egregious human rights violations, such as but not limited to breaches of peremptory norms (see Glossary 189) - for example, the Russian Federation. Furthermore, the production and import of fossil fuels must be replaced by renewable and emission-free solutions: wind energy, solar energy, marine energy, and waste heat recovery (see Glossary 183). The production of electricity should be 100% renewable by 2035 at the latest. Taxpayers’ money must therefore not finance fossil fuels. The opening or extension of fossil fuel extraction sites must be prohibited immediately, and existing sites should be closed as soon as 16possible. New fossil fuel infrastructure should not be built in Europe. This includes gas infrastructure. It is also crucial that the energy gap in certain areas in Europe can be quickly filled in and that an optimal energy mix across the continent is achieved.

FYEG supports energy democracy and stands for the development of a decentralised and interconnected energy system. Energy systems should be localised. We support forms of collective ownership of energy production, such as energy cooperatives. Networks to transport energy are crucial to enable this transition; they should be owned, developed, and operated as commons, for example being publicly owned.

The cleanest and quickest way to achieve the energy transition is to reduce our energy consumption. Efforts should be made to improve energy efficiency, to renovate all buildings, and to transform the industry. Governments must organise the renovation and insulation of all buildings by 2030. This would also play a key role in reducing energy poverty across Europe.

Nuclear energy (see Glossary 111) cannot be built in time to use it as a climate crisis solution. Nuclear energy, just like any energy source, has drawbacks, including but not limited to the exploitation of workers in the extraction of uranium (see Glossary 181), the long-term disposal of nuclear waste, huge consequences of potential accidents, the long time it takes to build and the increasingly expensive costs to build nuclear power plants.

FYEG prioritizes renewable energy sources over nuclear and fossil fuels. FYEG demands that renewable energy development must not endanger biodiversity and must reduce reliance on rare earth minerals that often are mined in exploitative practices. Phaseout of nuclear power plants must be reliant on renewable energy and must not increase the reliance on fossil fuels even in the short run.

The development of renewable energy limits the dependence on fossil fuels and uranium from Russia and other authoritarian states. The end goal of the FYEG energy policy is a decentralized, community-owned and operated renewable energy system.

We believe natural carbon sinks such as forests, oceans, wetlands, and peatlands have an important role to play in reducing the concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. Policies should be adopted to protect and enhance their potential. On the other hand, technologies such as geo- engineering (see Glossary 76) are often presented as solutions to fight climate change, but their large-scale efficiency remains undemonstrated and their risks remain unclear to the public. While their full potentials are still yet to be seen, these technologies should never be used as an excuse to continue the burning of fossil fuels and delay real climate action.

3.3. Water, food and agriculture

Water is the backbone of life and agricultural production. It therefore must not be considered as a commodity. Water sources and resources must be protected from potential pollution through agriculture, mining, production, construction and waste disposal. Food is essential to life. It therefore cannot be considered as a commodity. FYEG stands for food and agricultural policies that guarantee that every person has access to local, healthy, diversified and quality food.

Farmers and agricultural workers play an essential role in ensuring this right to food and their own rights should be respected, as enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas (see Glossary 172). Farmers and agricultural workers should be able to earn a decent revenue from their work. We believe in a model consisting of numerous small- and medium- scale farms, guaranteeing thriving countrysides.

Industrialised agriculture is responsible for substantial greenhouse gas emissions, massive biodiversity loss, water scarcity, soil depletion, and a range of public health issues (e.g. antimicrobial resistance (see Glossary 3). A transition towards a form of agriculture which respects the environment, preserves soil, water, and the climate, and is based on agroecological practices and organic agriculture is urgently needed. Artificial fertilisers and pesticides (see Glossary 124) must be phased out within a reasonable time frame, starting with the most dangerous (e.g. neonicotinoids and glyphosate). A rapid drop in animal farming and in the consumption of animal products is also needed with the goal of phasing out industrial livestock production. Traditional indigenous livelihoods such as hunting, fishing and animal herding must be protected. In general, we consider it desirable that as little meat as possible is consumed, taking into account health concerns and the aforementioned issues. This would improve public health and animal welfare as well as drastically reduce the environmental impact of food production. The precautionary use of antibiotics in animal farming must be banned immediately and the maximum amount of animals held per area must be drastically limited.

Food systems should be rebuilt on the principles of food sovereignty (see Glossary 66), eliminating corporate capture of food, reducing food waste, prioritising short supply chains and locally produced food, ending imports of deforestation-driving products such as soy or palm oil, and making sure that European agriculture is not exported in a way that harms agricultural systems in other countries. To achieve this, we need a food production system that ensures environmental and economic sustainability and food security for all, without endangering the food security (see Glossary 65) of future generations. It is of utmost importance to find ways to guarantee an economically viable system that does not have negative effects on nature and the wider environment. To this end, FYEG looks positively towards promising new methods of food production. Research capacities have to be significantly strengthened and mainstreamed in order to find ways of reducing the environmental impact of the food system, while guaranteeing farmers' rights and ensuring decent living conditions in rural areas. Forms of urban farming such as vertical farming can offer solutions to provide cities with sustainable food, since they reduce the use of some natural resources, such as land area and water. Since sustainable methods of clean meat- production could potentially help the transition to a vegetarian society, while also coming with potential risks, research into safe, efficient and environmentally-friendly clean meat (see Glossary 24) production needs to be intensified.

This transition towards a more sustainable and fairer agricultural system requires changes in the regulatory framework as well as ambitious public policies. FYEG stands for more transparent labelling, with details of origin, composition, methods of production, use of pesticides, animal welfare, and nutritional values. A thorough reform of the Common Agricultural Policy (see Glossary 25) is needed, taking environmental issues, animal welfare as well as working conditions into account in its subsidy scheme. The promotion of sustainable and plant-based diets should also be encouraged.

GMOs in agriculture have both positive and negative effects. GMOs are meant to provide better yields, increase nutritional capacity, or be more resistant to pests and extreme weather conditions. Yet, they can also increase corporate control through patents, increase farmer dependence on biotech firms, and threaten biodiversity through increased unforeseen mutations and increased herbicide and pesticide use. Associated with mono-cropping practices, GMOs make overall ecosystems less resilient to pests. We believe the use of GMOs, including new GMOs, should be regulated and subjected to individual scientific assessments for and by public institutions, concerning all risks to consumers, farmers, and the environment, prior to authorisation. FYEG believes that heirloom seeds and the development of agroecology represent a better solution to the challenges faced by our food system. Moreover, in a world where the amount of food produced would be sufficient to feed all, increasing yield productivity is not the only leverage point to reduce hunger. Food distribution, the reduction of food waste and shifting towards vegetarian diets are all part of the solution. We firmly believe in food and land sovereignty. Financial interests must never be placed above the environment and biodiversity, nor above people.

3.4. Transport

Transport is responsible for almost a quarter of greenhouse gases emitted in Europe and is one of the only sectors in which emissions have risen in recent years, despite important technological progress. Transport is also one of the main sources of air pollution, which is responsible for the premature deaths of 400,000 people in the EU each year. Changes in both practices and modes of transport are needed, with a shift towards zero-emission travel a priority.

While keeping up efforts to reduce aircraft emissions, Europe needs to fly less. This can be achieved by introducing a EU-wide kerosene (see Glossary 96) tax, and an end on both the construction of new airports and the extension of existing ones. Train travel should be favoured over air travel. An effective policy could involve the phase-out of commercial flights for trips where it is possible to use an alternative, more environmentally friendly means of transport with a journey time of less than 10 hours. At the same time, train networks should be further developed, including the construction of high-speed trains and the introduction of more night train routes, with the aim of achieving a network of high-speed lines connecting major cities in Europe. We should prioritise the renovation of existing train tracks over the construction of new ones whenever possible in order to minimise the environmental impact. At the same time, existing secondary lines in rural areas should be maintained and the frequency of their service increased. Efforts should be made to achieve a 100% decarbonised network by 2035. Travelling across Europe by train should be made easier, for example by the introduction of a European train ticket system.

For everyday shorter journeys, regions and cities should continue developing public transport networks as well as safe and efficient cycling and pedestrian networks. We aim to eliminate the use of private cars in city centres and residential areas. Comprehensive urban planning (see Glossary 27) plays a crucial role in creating socially accessible and ecologically just cities and residential areas in which people can live, work, and spend free time without having to travel long distances. Insecurity in public transport which disproportionately affect women and gender minorities, should be tackled in order to make public transport really attractive to all. Rural areas should not be left out: regions should guarantee public transport solutions, relying on intermodality between cycling, buses, trains, and private cars. New fossil-fuel vehicles should no longer be available for purchase in Europe by 2025, and their use should be phased out as soon as possible. FYEG also supports efforts to introduce fare-free local public transport throughout Europe, starting with people belonging to vulnerable groups and young people.

Further efforts should be made to ensure that public transport is fully accessible for all, including people with disabilities.

3.5. Technological Progress

Technological innovation and new technologies can bring about substantial positive change in society. Progress in the medical sector, in digital technologies, in energy production, and in the development of clean vehicles is crucial to fight the ongoing crises Europe is facing.

Technological progress is not always a synonym for social and societal progress. We are firmly attached to the precautionary principle, meaning that innovations should be assessed thoroughly and should be proven harmless for the environment, human health, and society as a whole before being authorised. Uncertainty should not be used as a reason to postpone measures to prevent environmental degradation or preserve public health. New innovations should be open toscientific and public assessment to determine their potential costs and benefits.

While we believe that technological progress has an important role to play in solving the climate and biodiversity crises, we are critical of approaches that tend to overestimate the positive impact of uncertain future technologies to avoid addressing core issues and engage in systemic change. An example is carbon capture and storage (see Glossary 15), often used as a reason for less ambitious emissions targets, in spite of the fact that the technology has not yet been fully developed.

FYEG believes that space science and exploration are important emerging policy areas which deserve more attention. Space science gives us tools in the fight against the climate crisis. It allows us to measure where, when, how and why climate change is taking place, and assists the world with detailed maps and images during disasters. Space travel should only serve scientific research, innovation, and exploration, not financial profit-making or military activities. In addition, FYEG supports cleaning up our immediate space environment - space junk colliding with each other risks causing catastrophic chain reactions.

3.4. Animal rights

While most European citizens agree that the welfare of animals should be improved, not a lot is being done. We need to consider animals as subjects and sentient beings who should be protected from harm, and we should reflect critically on our place within the animal realm. Animals have rights that should be respected and be taken into account when transitioning towards a sustainable and just agriculture and society. We have to provide an appropriate and painless livelihood especially for animals kept as farm animals.

Animals should not be subject to cruel treatment. FYEG stands for the immediate ban of the cruellest practices, such as the production of foie gras through force-feeding (see Glossary 67), corrida (see Glossary 31), fur farming, dolphinariums (see Glossary 40), and hunting with dogs. We also believe that animals should not be kept in conditions contrary to their natural behaviours. We believe animals should not be allowed to be kept in a circus and that zoos should be subject to a much stronger regulation.

Every year, nearly 70 billion land animals are slaughtered worldwide for food. With the industrialisation of animal farming, the conditions in which farm animals live have become worse and worse. It is essential to both reduce the consumption of animal-based products and improve the welfare of farm animals. Cage farming, one of the commonest forms of industrial animal farming, must be banned with immediate effect. FYEG defends the small-farm model in which animals have access to sufficient space, are able to go outdoors, play and interact with others of their kind. Newly created animal breeds that favour rapid animal growth but often cause the animal to suffer should also be phased out. Stronger regulation of animal transport should be put in place, with a ban on the export of live animals outside the EU.

We support work towards the abolition of the use of animals in research and support research into techniques that will allow scientists to replace, refine and reduce the number of research animals they use. We recognise the importance of animal welfare and the essential contribution that animals have made and currently make to research that improves human and animal health. We support the replacement (through methods that avoid using animals such as computer (in silico) models, in vitro techniques, or human volunteers), refinement (through improvements to scientific procedures and husbandry that minimise pain, suffering, distress or lasting harm and/or improve animal welfare, for example, through improved housing and husbandry and better welfare assessments) and reduction (through good experimental design and statistical analysis) of the use of animals in in vivo experiments. We oppose in vivo experiments where research animals are not housed or treated in a manner in keeping with international best practice.

Wild animals should also benefit from better protection, with the protection of wild natural spaces and the stronger regulation of hunting (see g). The Covid-19 pandemic, which likely originated from interactions between wildlife and humans, is one example of the consequences that zoonotic diseases (see Glossary 188) can have on humankind, and has clearly demonstrated the need to take measures to prevent their development. We support the introduction of an EU Positive List (list of species allowed to be kept as pets).

FYEG also defends stronger regulation in order to fight overfishing, regenerate fish populations, and restore marine ecosystems. The use of fishing techniques with a low impact on the environment should be encouraged, while higher impact techniques such as bottom-contacting fishing gears, electric pulse fishing (see Glossary 45), and fish aggregating devices (see Glossary 64) (FADs) should be banned. Small-scale fisheries have to be prioritised immediately, and measures must be taken to stop the concentration and industrialisation of the fishing sector in Europe. The rapid development of industrialised fish farming in recent years must be addressed with the introduction of stronger regulations on fishing quota, fish welfare and environmental protection. Activities of fishing companies in fishing grounds of lesser developed states, in particular African, must immediately end. Furthermore the EU and European states must end bilateral contracts which allow European companies to raid African fishing grounds. Instead the EU and European states should support African State to build and develope coast guards which have the ability to effectively protect their fishing grounds from foreign intruders.

3.5. Protecting our natural environment

Nature should not be regarded as a commodity, as something humanity is separated from, but as something that it belongs to. Like climate change, nature knows no borders. We believe it is time that nature be properly recognised and protected.

FYEG supports giving rights to nature that ensure its protection under national and international law. We want the crime of ecocide to be recognised in domestic and international criminal law. The most destructive fishing, deforestation, soil degradation, and mining practices should be banned. We must fight overfishing. Hunting should be strongly regulated, no longer permitted for commercial and leisure purposes except for indigenous peoples practising their traditional livelihoods, and only authorised as a last resort to preserve balance within an ecosystem.

We support the objective of giving protected status to at least 30% of our planet’s land and seas, with 10% granted a particularly high level of protection. The rainforests, coral reefs, Arctic ice pack, and oceans are global commons, and decisions regarding these global commons should be a global concern for all. We reject approaches to nature conservation that perpetuate colonial domination and violate fundamental rights. No one should be displaced or forced to leave their home because of a nature reserve.

We are on the brink of mass extinction. It is not enough to just protect ecosystems; we must promote the restoration and renaturalisation of devastated areas according to scientific criteria. Furthermore, our own human ecosystems, such as cities, can and must be renaturalised allowing space for new ecosystems to flourish.

Across the world, environmental defenders are facing threats and violence, with many being murdered for their defence of the environment. This is unacceptable. Defending the natural world is not a crime. Those who threaten environmental defenders must be prosecuted, and the EU should grant protection and offer asylum to those under threat. The transition to a zero-carbon society might also have an impact on and conflict with nature conservation. The impact of infrastructures such as wind farms, hydropower plants, and high-speed railways should be minimised as much as possible.

4. A Green and Feminist Economy

The Federation of Young European Greens identifies the root causes of the social and environmental crises as lying within the current economic system. We believe that this capitalist system, based on unrestrained competition, consumerism, the exploitation of workers, and profit maximisation (see Glossary 133) is unsustainable and incompatible with our planet’s limited resources and the goal of an economy that benefits all. This system deliberately imposes social and environmental costs on low-income countries, future generations, and other species. It makes all the reproductive and care work invisible, a work mainly accomplished by women. It creates extreme inequalities and excludes most people from decision-making processes concerning how and what is produced and valued in an economy. This is because it relies on some people owning means of production and living by that, while others have to work to make a living. This creates injustices within societies as well as between them: division between rich and poor, global south and global north all rooted in capitalism. The crises we are facing are the result of the patriarchal, racist and capitalist system that is disrupting human well-being and destroying our collective resilience, and which represents an existential threat to humanity.

FYEG sees an urgent need for a new vision of progress that is fit for the century ahead of us. In order to bring an end to environmental destruction and human deprivation, it is crucial to change the way our economies are built and defined. We need to shift from economic growth (see Glossary 43) to human and planetary well-being and thus create a new economic system. We need to go beyond indicators such as gross domestic product (GDP) (see Glossary 79) and make issues such as quality of life and environmental well-being centerpiece. We believe the technological shift to a zero-waste industry and economy is not enough. The green and feminist economy we want to build implies a radical change in the democratisation of the economy, the redistribution of wealth, and a just transition.This economy is also feminist, implying that a feminist economy takes equally into account all beings, the environment and their interdependence in its propositions. It makes social protection a priority and values the care work, accomplished mainly by women, for people and the environment.

4.1. A degrowth transition towards post-growth economies

Given that the fulfilment of universal human needs (see Glossary 190) and the conditions for wellbeing globally cannot be realised under the current economic system based on growth and capital accumulation, FYEG stands for degrowth as a post-capitalist strategy towards a post-growth society. Degrowth is a planned reduction of energy and material use designed to bring the economy back into balance with the living world in a way that reduces inequality and improves human well-being, at the local and global level, in the short and long term (see Glossary 36). The goal of degrowth is to reduce ecological impact, reduce inequality, and improve well-being. In contrast with degrowth, recessions are not planned, and do not target any of these outcomes. They are not intended to reduce ecological impact (even though this might in some cases be an unintended outcome), and they are certainly not intended to reduce inequality and improve well-being – indeed, they do the opposite. Economies that exceed the ecological capacities of the planet, as the ones in Europe, have to be restructured such that they can decelerate justly, without the suffering that recessions bring. Nevertheless, there are some regions in Europe that are more responsible for exceeding planetary boundaries and whose current ecological footprint is higher, which are the ones that have to degrow more and faster. The downscaling of less-necessary forms of production such as fossil fuels, fast fashion, industrial farming or luxury goods, entails liberating productive capacities that can be redirected to activities that contribute to human and environmental wellbeing, such as clean energy, essential services, agroecology and care.

Economic growth measured by GDP has to be abandoned as a policy objective. Policy has instead to focus on ecosocial metrics such as life expectancy, health, education, housing, and ecologically sustainable work as indicators of both ecosystems and human well-being. The strong evidence of the impossibility of decoupling economic growth from ecological impacts at the pace and scale required, points to the need to address the situation from a post-growth paradigm, with a necessary phase of degrowth in economies that are above the regenerative capacity of the planet.

Degrowth is a demand for effective decolonization. Countries in the global south should be free to organise their resources and labour around meeting human needs rather than around servicing Northern growth. Historically, the industrial growth in Europe and the subsequent expansion and industrialisation of its colonies were significantly facilitated by the pattern of appropriating raw materials, natural resources, and labour from the Global South through what has been named as ecological unequal exchange. Even following the withdrawal of colonial troops, the fundamental structure of the colonial economy endures, sustaining growth in the North through the continued appropriation, exploitation, and oppression of the South.

Degrowth is a transition towards post-growth economies because the reduction in production and consumption is a means to create the conditions for the transformation of the modes of living. The destination is a post-growth society characterised by an economy in an harmonious relation with nature where it is possible to thrive without growth. Policies such as universal basic services, universal basic income or universal care income, working time reduction and a green job guarantee among others could play a key role in creating the universal security of livelihoods during the process of transition, accompanied by polices that democratically enact ecological limits with social justice, such as caps on material and energy use, caps on income and wealth and flight quotas among others.

4.2. Economic structures

The current structure of the economy is a source of injustice, inequality, and environmental destruction. The monopoly transnational corporations hold prevents the entrance of new actors onto the market. It is more and more difficult for states and citizens to hold companies accountable for their actions. These companies are the gatekeepers for change. FYEG believes that in order to create a more sustainable and fair approach to the economy, our economic system has to change. It must serve humans, non-humans, and our ecosystems, not billionaires.

It is time to rethink how we do economics, in service of the sustainable satisfaction of universal human needs at a global level instead of profit, considering the economy as embedded in society and the environment, following an ecological economics perspective.

Our political environments and economic systems have been unduly influenced by large companies lobbying over many decades giving them an unfair advantage and creating an overall chilling effect on political and economic decisions. Over time this has created the conditions which allows these companies to extract massive profits at the expense of local economies and society at large. They undermine workers’ rights and environmental standards as well as small local businesses and worker cooperatives. They often avoid paying taxes, compromising the ability of the state to provide public services. We therefore call for the economy to be structured differently. Companies that are considered too big to fail (see Glossary 164) or hold monopolies,oligopolies or create cartels must be split up. Antitrust laws must be effectively enforced to companies with substantial market power. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) must have more opportunities to run their businesses without facing the threat of multinational corporations. Enterprises that serve goals other than maximising profits, who operate simply in order to provide services or create jobs, are a solution, which manifest in the social and solidarity economy in the form of worker-owned or state-owned cooperatives, associations and consumer groups, among others.

We believe the workers themselves should take a more active role in shaping the economy. We demand that businesses be governed by the people that work in them. One important step towards this goal would be the occupation of at least 50% of seats on company boards by employees. Another tool is the cooperative business model (see Glossary 29) as it helps to democratise the economy and shift the focus to placing people over profit and building a more inclusive economy. Mechanisms should be put in place to make it easier for workers to transform their companies into cooperatives, especially when the original owner is planning to close the company.

A green and feminist economy rejects the commodification and privatisation of the commons. Basic human needs and social rights should always be guaranteed and must never depend on markets. This applies especially in the cases of housing, health, education, food, and transport. It is particularly important knowing that the impact of this commodification and privatisation is rooted in neoliberalism, racism, and misogyny.

While globalization has brought the world more diversity and tools for exchange, we must take a systemic look at who is profiting from the opening of the world. Current trends of digitalisation and energy transition should not give grounds for the growth of new neocolonial mechanisms. We support, where feasible, relocalising (see Glossary 142) the economy, starting with the production of essential goods such as food and medicine.

The goal of economic policy should not be to boost exports at all costs but rather to boost people’s wellbeing, improve resilience and reduce imports, dependency on single actors, and environmental impacts. More transparent and shorter supply chains that can be more easily surveyed for exploitative and destructive practices should be encouraged. The introduction of not only carbon but also of social border taxes could be one of the ways to encourage the relocalisation of the economy.

4.3. A sustainable economy

Transforming our economy into a green and feminist economy also means reducing consumption and pollution. The Earth cannot possibly sustain today’s levels of consumption. Therefore, challenging consumerism should be at the centre of a just transition.

We want to turn the linear economy (see Glossary 101), which is based on a “take-make-waste” model, into a fully circular economy (see Glossary 21). In a circular economy, products and materials are used over and over again instead of being discarded. We believe we can shift from a linear economy to a circular economy based on the following principles: minimising the usage of energy and resources; under a sufficiency strategy; preventing waste, toxic materials and pollution; keeping goods and materials in use and in closed loops; ensuring human health; and encouraging the prevention of waste.

For citizens to be able to play an active role and change their buying habits, we defend the right to access more detailed, harmonised, and reliable information on the social, environmental, and climate impacts of goods and services over their lifecycle, including durability and repairability (see Glossary 143). A ban on programmed obsolescence is also key in this regard. We also emphasise the need for change in relation to product- related greenwashing (see Glossary 78) and false environmental claims. We call for regulation encouraging producers the use of non-proprietary standards, designing by the principles of open hardware and a loss of patents and duty to publicise constructions and building plans when spare parts are no more produced. In order to ease repairability of goods producers must ensure the availability of spare parts over the entire lifecycle of the product.

Today, most items and packaging are meant to be used once and discarded. This creates vast quantities of pollution and waste materials. As landfills exceed capacity and micro-plastics pollute the whole planet, there is a substantial need for change. We support a move towards a zero-waste society, phasing out single-use plastics and encouraging the development of bulk buying.

Consumption is influenced by an ever more visible advertising presence. We support regulation in advertising, including a ban on advertising the most polluting products and behaviours (e.g. car and air travel, meat consumption). We support a ban on targeted advertisement that uses people’s personal data to influence their behaviours. We also think the environmental and visual impact of advertisements should be addressed, for example by banning private advertisement in the public space.

4.4. Fiscal policy

Taxation is needed to fund public budgets, maintain quality public services and welfare states, and fund investments needed for a just transition to a zero- carbon economy. We oppose the austerity policies (see Glossary 8) that have been put in place across Europe. Massive investments into social and urban infrastructure, health systems, education and fighting climate change are needed for the young generation. Young people need decent jobs, health care, free public transport and a liveable planet more than they need a balanced state budget.

We demand fair taxation and a stronger fight against fiscal fraud. Taxation can also be a powerful tool in itself, reducing inequalities, redistributing wealth, and contributing to changing behaviours.

We defend the introduction of a European common taxation policy in order to fight tax avoidance (see Glossary 160) and tax havens (see Glossary 161), both inside and outside the EU. A baseline 20% EU corporate tax (see Glossary 30) should be introduced to reduce the attractiveness of tax avoidance. Part of that corporate tax should automatically feed into the EU budget.

Taxation should be used to reduce inequalities. We support progressive income taxation (see Glossary 134), with higher taxation for the richest taxpayers. We also support the introduction of a wealth tax (see Glossary 184) on millionaires, possibly at the EU level. Finally, we believe a higher taxation on inheritance is key to reducing the transfer of inequalities from one generation to the next.

The Federation of Young European Greens also believes that taxation can help support positive behaviours and discourage harmful behaviours, and that over time we should prioritise phasing out taxes on work in favour of taxes on behaviour and wealth. Behavioural taxes such as a carbon tax, the taxation of meat products, the taxation of single-use plastic items, and the taxation of polluting cars, among others, can be powerful tools to encourage change. Those taxes should be implemented fairly to avoid overburdening citizens already living in precarious situations. Their revenue should be redistributed globally and help support a just transition.

4.5. Financial markets

More than a decade after the global financial crisis, financial markets and banking systems remain dangerous and flawed. Financial markets continue to cause systemic instability and social inequality. Investments continue to flow to unsustainable, carbon-intensive (see Glossary 19) industries. Banks still ignore the damage their investments are causing to societies and the environment.

We need to change finance. We cannot make the transition to a fairer, greener future economy without a global financial system that can allocate capital to where it is needed, drive sustainable investment, and manage risk equitably. The financial system must serve the needs of society, not the other way around. To achieve this, transparency, fairness, and sustainability are key. The taxation of financial transactions (see Glossary 162) is an important tool to fight short-term and instant transactions. We support its introduction at the EU level.

We need a global banking system – and a system of banking regulation (see Glossary 10) – that responds to today’s needs and prioritises the public good. It needs to encourage productive investments in the local green economies of today and tomorrow, rather than propping up polluting industries or encouraging dangerous speculation. It needs to address inequality, both globally and locally, rather than entrenching it. And it needs to be accountable to society, rather than lawless and deregulated.

4.6. The digital economy

The digital economy is becoming a central part of the economy. It has the power to change our society – for the better or for the worse. We need to act quickly to ensure that the development of the digital economy is not used to attack our rights and privacy (see chapter 2), or to bypass social regulations as in the case of platform workers (see Glossary 127) (see chapter 5). We need to make digitalisation an opportunity for our society and ensure that regulations are creating a level playing field (see Glossary 99) for all actors, as well as improving training on digital jobs.

The size and influence of some of the big digital companies raise legitimate concerns. We support dismantling tech giants (see Glossary 163) and de- monopolising (see Glossary 37) digital offerings.

Europe’s physical communications infrastructure (see Glossary 125) must be built, owned, operated, and maintained on a non-profit basis as a common resource. This allows faster expansion, with more people gaining access at a lower cost.

While digitalisation can be used to tackle climate change, the biodiversity crisis, and pollution, we must not forget that digitalisation itself is not a climate-neutral activity. From web servers, crypto-currencies, and cables to antennas, phones and computers, digitalisation relies on infrastructure that consumes large quantities of energy and therefore contributes to greenhouse gas emissions. It also requires the use of many rare earth elements, the extraction of which causes serious harm to the environment.

The premature obsolescence of digital products exacerbates this phenomenon, as well as generating large quantities of electronic waste that is not properly recycled and therefore contributes to water and soil pollution.

A lot more needs to be done to ensure the sustainable implementation of digitalisation. We must remember that digitalisation is a tool to achieve our wider goals and not an end in itself.

4.7. Preparedness and Civil Defence

FYEG sees the need to prevent runaway climate change. However, we also see the need to prepare for the impacts of climate change, and what might happen if we fail to stop it at 1.5 degrees.

To ensure that the consequences we will undoubtedly have to deal with as the world warms do not hit those who are less well off, while wealthy groups nationally and internationally can continue to live their lives and consume as normal, all actors in society need to be engaged in stronger and more equitable preparedness - institutions and businesses as much as civil society organisations and individuals. Food and water, healthcare, and general preparedness are three areas where we believe significantly more work needs to be done across Europe.

We need to ensure that Europe is agriculturally self-sufficient in order to be sure that when the crisis comes, food does not become something only the wealthy can afford. In the climate of the future, we cannot rely on harvests in other countries to turn out well. Nor is it morally right for a rich country to rely on imports of vital crops when we know that climate change will lead to food shortages, especially in poorer countries. To this end, FYEG believes in an expansion of existing strategic food stockpiles, and an agricultural policy that focuses not only on environmental and climate aspects but also resilience, appropriateness, and security of supply.

The same goes for water - there is insufficient knowledge in many European countries of how much ground reserves they have, and many countries rely heavily on just one or two major sources for the majority of their drinking water. To avoid situations where people lose access to drinking water while nearby industries still use water for their operations, there should be clear prioritisation plan developed in each locality for use of limited water supplies, and where feasible backup systems should be developed in case of contamination or interruption of normal water supplies. As Greens we believe in human security, and there is no need more human than that for water.

Disasters can create supply holdups, and we need to ensure that Europeans can survive while help is on the way. FYEG believes that national governments should develop emergency rationing plans to be prepared for if the worst happens, and require housing associations and households to ensure that they store at least two weeks worth of these durable, basic foodstuffs. This should be combined with a requirement that all newly built structures contain emergency shelters, adapted to local emergency conditions.

In addition, it would be optimistic to assume that COVID will be the last pandemic our generation sees. FYEG believes that all countries should be required to hold emergency pandemic and total defence stockpiles, aimed at providing food, medical and protective equipment, and medicine that a population might need in a long global emergency. Human security, rather than military security, should be our priority.

5. A Social Europe

For several decades we have witnessed one social crisis leading to the next. Each crisis either revealed or created more cracks in our social systems and shone a spotlight on our deeply dated healthcare systems and unstable European working environment.

Housing has become increasingly difficult to find, with wages stagnating while living and housing costs rise. We live in a society that tolerates the fact that some people are too poor to have a roof over their heads.

Instead of reducing inequalities and providing opportunities for all, education systems across Europe are being transformed by a neoliberal (see Glossary 109) and productivist (see Glossary 132) mindset and are reproducing inequalities from one generation to the next.

Those policies are still primarily dealt with at the national level, reinforcing inequalities between as well as within countries. We need a truly social Europe. This includes fighting inequalities, rethinking the way we work, and taking strong action on housing, health, and education. The system needs to change – now.

5.1. Fighting poverty

Millions of people across Europe are at risk of poverty and social exclusion, with certain parts of Europe experiencing an increase in poverty rates. At the same time, the rich are getting richer, with some individuals accumulating indecent amounts of wealth. Neoliberalism and myths such as trickle-down theory (see Glossary 169) have not delivered on their promises. Inequalities are on the rise, threatening the cohesion of our societies.

FYEG supports strong welfare states, which it considers essential in the fight against poverty and to guarantee the enforceability of fundamental rights. Their dismantling in several parts of Europe must end. Action to fight poverty should include but not be limited to ensuring that all individuals receive an income. Existing benefits must be fair, must allow people to live above the poverty line (see Glossary 129), and should rise in line with average wage increases. Social services should help to ensure that everyone has access to a home, healthcare, and training and/or work. Our social policies must leave no one behind.

FYEG stands for the implementation of a minimum income across the EU, set at an amount matching the cost of living in each region. Our social policy’s goal is a guaranteed social security net that leaves no one behind, the right to a meaningful job, abolishing the low-wage sector with strong minimum wages and tariffs, and a significant reduction of working hours while maintaining the wage level. This should be financed by the higher taxation of the super-rich, among other measures (see chapter 4 – Fiscal policy).

At the same time, Europe must not forget its privileged position in the world and must also work towards eradicating inequalities worldwide (see chapter 6 – Trade and global justice).

5.2. The future of work

With technological progress, digitalisation, and the need to reduce the environmental impact of our economies, work is changing and is likely to continue to do so. It is important to reflect on the future of work to ensure these changes improve everyone’s welfare and well-being.

FYEG supports a future that does not revolve around systemic exploitation of the masses. Firstly, we need to get rid of strict and suffocating work culture. Studies have shown that a reduction in working hours is accompanied by gains in efficiency. Reducing working hours is also a feminist demand as it enables the redistribution of unpaid care work. As a first step, we therefore propose a maximum 32-hour working week within the EU while maintaining wage levels. We also support raising the number of paid holidays to a minimum of 40 days per year.

Work needs to be paid fairly. In order for people not empowerish those working less hours, we have to start changing wages immediately and start valuing work differently. Jobs that are traditionally occupied by women tend to be valued less. We should take into account not only the societal value of a job but also the level of mental and physical effort it demands in order to determine wage levels. To use the example of care work, jobs in this sector are systematically underpaid, with the mental and physical demands of the job not adequately reflected in the wages paid, and involve poor working conditions. FYEG supports raising wages to above average levels for people who work in the care sector.

Wage differences across Europe are used by multinational companies to maximise their profits, exploiting workers in countries where wages are the lowest and firing workers in countries where wages are higher. In order to prevent the lowering of social standards and the deterioration of workers’ rights, we support the introduction of an EU minimum wage scheme (see Glossary 51), with minimum wages based on the cost of living in a particular country or region and a mechanism to progressively harmonise them upward. Noone should live below the poverty line. Workers should be able to travel freely, seek employment, and work in the country of their choice. Strong protective measures are needed to ensure that the foreign posting of workers is not used to bypass national social protection schemes.

Interns and trainees also must receive fair pay in order to cover their living costs and in recognition of the value of the work they do. FYEG wants an immediate ban on unpaid internships.

It is easy to lose a job – and it can be extremely difficult to find another one. Unemployment is not an individual failure, but an inevitability in our broken economic system. The welfare state should be a safety net that leaves no one in poverty. People need to be protected during periods of unemployment. We fight for fair unemployment benefits (see Glossary 177) and the fair treatment of those trying to re-enter the labour market. Over the course of their lives, individuals change jobs far more frequently than in previous generations. We therefore support the reinforcement of lifelong learning schemes to allow people to study or train for new jobs at any point in their lives.

We support the introduction of parental leave (see Glossary 119) schemes across Europe that guarantee that every new parent, regardless of their gender, has access to a period of paid parental leave of at least three months. Mechanisms should be put in place to ensure that parental leave schemes contribute to gender equality. Mandatory parental leave for new fathers can help to reduce the discrimination that new mothers face when applying for jobs, as well as promote the equal distribution of domestic tasks in the household. Therefore we support a model where both parents have 4 more months of paid parental leave with additional 4 months left to distribute freely between themselves.

FYEG recalls the right to unionise and considers that trade unions (see Glossary 165) play a crucial role in improving working conditions. The right to unionise as well as the right to strike must be recognised and protected across Europe. The workers should be granted accessible information and education on unionisation and standing up for their rights. Sanctions against companies that are attempting union busting should be put in place at the EU level. Moreover, bodies which represent employees’ interests should be strengthened, and 50% of the seats on the boards of large companies should be reserved for employee representatives. Digitalisation has led to new forms of work and employment such as the gig economy, in which workers are not employed on regular work contracts which include social protection, but are instead paid for each task completed. While this can bring a flexibility that some workers enjoy, we must ensure that gig workers have equal social protection, including health and work-related accident insurance, protection against discrimination, parental benefits and rights, and pensions.

We must also ensure that the platforms and companies who use gig workers are paying salary, tax, and other costs in line with other actors, as well as requiring platforms and other companies to officially employ “false self-employed” individuals in the event that they request this.

We also believe that work which has a positive impact on the environment and on society should be properly rewarded, for example through grants. We propose setting up a care income (see Glossary 20) in the form of a premium paid by states to reward those who care for people, society in general, and the environment on a non-professional basis.

We believe in fair retirement policies, such as a progressive retirement age which allows people to continue working after that age if they freely choose to do so. Many retired people, especially women, receive extremely low pensions. We support decent pension incomes for all which are sufficient for a dignified life.

5.3. Discrimination in the workplace

FYEG recognises that racism, sexism, classism, homophobia, transphobia, ableism, and ageism – which it believes to be inherent to neoliberal capitalism – do not stop at the doors of our workplaces, and stands for anti-discrimination policies in the workplace.

Every European company should have a clear policy in relation to toxic behaviour including unconscious bias, hateful speech, and sexual harassment in the workplace, as well as organising regular trainings on this. We also want to strengthen European law in order to make it easier for people who have experienced sexual harassment to come forward and take legal action against their harassers.

A European regulation for equality in the workplace should be adopted, making it mandatory for companies to implement an equality plan, ensure gender balance and promote diversity in all levels of company governance , and have a clear plan to ensure the closure of any wage gap. Companies with more than 20 employees must implement a quotum for governing bodies in the middle and top layer of the company, ensuring that a maximum of 60% of people within these governing bodies is cis-gendered and male. Companies who fail to implement basic principles such as equal pay for equal work should be sanctioned.

FYEG stands for the full equality of all genders. We are calling on the EU to develop a strategy to end gender discrimination. This strategy must include non-binary and trans people.

Racism in workplaces must be fought, and finally ended. In order to achieve this, companies must commit to diversity internships, fellowships, and other programmes. Additionally, antiracism policies, diversity and inclusion reports, and regular training must be made mandatory. We support using testing to expose discrimination and condemn companies that discriminate against people.

We support freedom of movement (see Glossary 69), as well as the freedom to stay (see Glossary 70). The exploitation of migrant workers must be brought to an end. Working and employment conditions, as well as access to benefits, should be determined according to the country in which a person is working, not their nationality or background. Companies, governments, and courts should treat migrant workers the same as other workers. We are concerned about the current practice of several European countries to treat highly skilled migrant workers and other migrant workers differently. We call for the establishment of a universal right to migration for work purposes, as well as a common European policy framework for labour migration.

Young people all over Europe need to work in order to study or to support their families. They are often treated differently to their older colleagues. FYEG would require employers to pay young people (including minors) the same amount as their older colleagues for performing the same work. Union-supported and regulated wage increases based on the number of years working in a certain field or at a particular workplace could still be permitted.

5.4. Housing

FYEG stands for housing for all. For this to happen, housing must be affordable for all and no longer a profit-making activity. We aim towards a world in which housing is no longer a commodity but rather a human right. States should intervene on the housing market to prevent speculation (see Glossary 157) and ensure that everyone has a home.

We believe that affordable housing should also be decent and of good quality. With extreme weather events becoming more and more frequent, it is more important than ever to build houses which can withstand disasters like flooding and earthquakes. In order to ensure that housing is truly a right for all, we believe that all new buildings must be made accessible for disabled people.

There will be stricter supervision of real estate agents and private landlords. For example, use is made of "anonymous tenants" to combat discrimination in the housing sector. In addition to warnings and fines, rental permits can also be withdrawn if there is structural mismanagement.

Many Europeans are still facing energy poverty (see Glossary 47) and are not able to heat their homes, in particular single-parents, mostly women. Buildings are responsible for approximately 40% of energy consumption and 36% of CO2 emissions in the EU. We believe all housing should be energetically renovated within the next 10 years and environmental standards for buildings must aim to minimalise the use of embodied energy during planning and construction and a maximum of energy efficiency during their lifecycle .

We need higher taxation for property purchases that exceed individual needs. We also need better rental rights for people who cannot afford to buy a house and those who prefer not to own a home. In places where rents have increased in the last decades we support the introduction of rent control measures, which have already been implemented in several places. We also support cities who are putting restrictions on short-term tourist lets that drive up rental prices. The geographic side of public housing in Europe is currently based on the economic value of houses.

This results in segregation between rich and poor and thus also between ethnic groups. We counter this on a policy basis. We have to increasingly invest in public housing (see Glossary 136) at local, regional, federal, and EU levels in order to combat overburdening by housing costs, which affects around 80 million people in the EU. In many countries, public housing is not evenly distributed between cities and districts, thus increasing inequalities. We support the introduction of public housing quotas by city and by neighbourhood. To prevent pressure on the housing prices on the private market, cities with large student populations need sufficient and quality non-profit student housing. Investments should be increased in non-profit student housing as well.

While some people are overburdened with housing costs, others cannot afford housing at all. The number of homeless people in the EU has risen by 70% since 2010, and more than 700,000 people are now sleeping rough all over Europe. We must therefore launch a Europe-wide plan for everyone to have access to inclusive, climate friendly, and decent homes. We support approaches such as Housing First (see Glossary 82) that provide homeless people with housing without preconditions, seeing this as the first step towards integration. Our general aim is a fair housing market without excessive costs for tenants and buyers and where everyone can afford a place to live. Over the long term, there should be serious consideration given to deprivatising the housing market.

5.5. Health

As stated in Article 25 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights, “everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for [their] health and well-being”. A free and accessible universal healthcare system is essential to achieve these standards, based on physical and psychological well-being as well as social care and prevention. Healthcare should be inclusive of everyone without discrimination and be based on the best current scientific knowledge.

FYEG supports publicly funded healthcare. Health is not a commodity, but a human right. Healthcare that is free at point of use means that people are not expected to pay for accessing healthcare services (primary and secondary care). Instead, their health insurance is covered through tax. Healthcare workers are essential, and their working and employment conditions must be improved.

The huge disparities between rural and urban access to healthcare, such as emergency and specialised services, should be addressed, with investment made to support and increase the number of healthcare services and workers in rural areas.

Cooperation between companies and states allows health crises to be tackled more effectively and solutions to health issues more easily available to countries in need. International organisations such as the WHO should therefore be strengthened, while also being made more transparent and inclusive.

The EU is beginning the process to establish a European Health Union. FYEG supports a mechanism to harmonise healthcare across Europe. To develop this, the EU should commit to properly funding its EU4Health programme (see Glossary 53).

About 25 % of Europe's citizens suffer from mental health problems. As FYEG, we demand that mental health and related conditions be taken more seriously. We have to increase the availability of counselling and psychotherapy as well as funding for other mental health services in order to provide adequate and affordable care for every European citizen who is experiencing mental health problems, independent of their economic or social background.

Marginalised groups (for example women, LGBTQIA+, racialised people) often face issues when trying to access healthcare, such as stigma around their health needs and discrimination, to the point of being refused treatment or not taken seriously. Those with existing medical conditions (such as people with disabilities and/or chronic illnesses), may face difficulties receiving treatment for other conditions. All discrimination should be fought against, with awareness-raising and stigma-reducing campaigns and training for healthcare workers. Additionally, we demand more research to be conducted into mental health in marginalised groups, as well as initiatives that specifically target loneliness and the social isolation of specific groups such as elderly people, chronically ill people, and disabled people.

FYEG fights for sexual and reproductive health and rights (see chapter 1).

FYEG also supports a stronger focus on prevention in public health policy. Fighting air and water pollution, eliminating endocrine disruptors and carcinogenic substances, promoting healthy diets including the reduced consumption of heavily processed food, and promoting sport are all key actions to prevent severe chronic disease. A healthy lifestyle should be affordable for everyone. Therefore, fruit and vegetables should be cheaper and unhealthy products should be increased in price. Sports are important for social contact and should not only be promoted, but also be accessible for all. Therefore, financial support should be given when necessary. Prevention policies on smoking and drinking should also be put in place, for example through information campaigns, taxation, the regulation of sales, and bans on advertising. FYEG encourages countries to create separate shops for alcohol and tobacco. Smoking should be banned in public places where it is clearly a nuisance to people's health. FYEG supports a harm-reduction approach through prevention programmes within drug policy and the treatment of addiction.

Alongside addiction awareness-raising, the stigma around addiction should be tackled. Addiction should be recognised as a medical condition, and social protection and medical and social support should be offered to those suffering from addiction.

We support the full legalisation and regulation of drugs across Europe, while increasing prevention measures. Drug legalisation would deprive organised crime structures of a lucrative source of income. Tax revenues from drug sales should be used to fund the healthcare and prevention sectors and social services.

We demand a fair, publicly owned pharmaceutical sector. Large pharmaceutical companies should not hold the monopoly (see Glossary 106) on public safety, especially when this leads to unequal access to life-saving treatments.

Additionally, life-saving drugs should not be sold at a profit. All contracts made between pharmaceutical companies and national governments or the EU should be transparent and made publicly available.

Individuals’ well-being, dignity, and wishes should be fully respected in the healthcare system. We fight for improving palliative care (see Glossary 117) and for allowing people to choose how and when they die.

5.5. Education

Education is more than just learning how to spell, counting to 10 or training workers. It should also be the process of learning how to grow as a person and as a member of society. Education must be accessible to all genders, ages, sexualities, religions, and ethnicities, independent of ability,origin, place of residence, access to digital tools, wealth, or legal status.

Education should not depend on the balance of your bank account. It should be free and publicly funded, from kindergarten to university. Education should not focus on performance or economic profitability. Pressure should be taken off children and students, and special attention should be paid to their mental health.

Vocational colleges (see Glossary 182) and universities are of equal importance to institutions of higher education. Young people who want to pursue a more practical education should be given the same resources as those who are more academically inclined. We believe that young people who pursue a practical education should receive payment for the duration of their apprenticeship and be ensured qualified guidance throughout their education.

All types of curricula should be inclusive. Topics such as LGBTQIA+ issues, sex education, mental health, and anti-racism, among others, should feature in every school’s curriculum. We believe that students from ethnic or linguistic minority groups should have access to, for example, their culture and/or language of origin in schools, either as an extra-curricular activity or as part of the main curriculum. It should be safe and possible to break gender norms and class norms in the educational system, and students should be encouraged to follow their dreams and passions instead of fulfilling social expectations.

FYEG also believes that European and international mobility should be accessible to all from an early age. With that in mind, we support increasing the budget of the Erasmus+ programme to guarantee that every young person has the opportunity to take part in an international mobility programme before graduating from secondary school and before graduating from university.

6. Europe in the World

The current international system has not achieved its promise of ensuring peace, guaranteeing fundamental rights, and reducing global inequalities and poverty. Conflicts are taking place all around the globe. Illiberalism (see Glossary 87) and autocracy (see Glossary 9) are on the rise. At the same time, the international organisations and rules that have characterised international cooperation over the last decades are increasingly under attack. The changing geopolitical context (including the withdrawal of the USA from the world stage and the rise of other powers such as China) will have far-reaching consequences for the international system. On top of this, the effects of the climate crisis will contribute to instability. We stand at the beginning of a period of significant volatility.

The EU has tried to establish itself as a global actor over recent years. We believe that it is only together that the EU Member States have enough weight to tackle complex global challenges effectively. The external action of the EU must be built on and guided by values. We believe that European foreign policy must uphold human rights, democracy, the rule of law and the respect of international law; preserve and build peace; pursue multilateral (see Glossary 107) solutions; and fight for effective action at the global level to fight climate change, the biodiversity crisis, and other global environmental and social challenges.

6.1. Multilateralism

Challenges such as the climate crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic are global in nature and cannot be overcome by any state alone. In a world that is becoming increasingly connected and complex, international cooperation is the only way forward. At a time when international organisations are being undermined and with certain states pursuing a course of unilateralism (see Glossary 178), the EU, as well as other actors, needs to actively fight for multilateral solutions and the strengthening of international organisations.

We oppose a move towards a world characterised by great power competition and the rule of the strongest. It is our responsibility to fight for a fair, rule- based international system that protects those who are more vulnerable and gives them the power to actively shape their futures. We stand for the strengthening of international courts and call for the EU to join the European Convention on Human Rights (see Glossary 56) in a timely fashion in order for it to be held to account in cases of human rights abuses.

The EU will also advocate for reforms within the International Monetary Fund (IMF) (see Glossary 90) and the World Bank (see Glossary 186). Their decision-making processes must be decoupled from the financial contributions of Member States. These institutions must contribute to a stable and sustainable world economy. Multilateral solutions on global issues such as climate change, biodiversity loss, migration, weapons, and security should be pursued.

While being strong supporters of multilateralism, FYEG also believes that it needs to be deeply reformed. The current system is still institutionalising existing power inequalities instead of balancing them. The fact that five of the richest countries in the world, who happen to be among the largest military powers and weapons exporters, hold permanent seats on the UN Security Council (see Glossary 174) and have the right of veto is neither fair nor sustainable in the long term. In the short term, this system should be reformed by giving permanent seats on the Security Council to more countries, including those who have historically been exploited and hindered in their economic development by colonial powers, and by ending the right of veto. In the long term, the UN should evolve towards a global democracy in which representatives from all countries would be democratically elected.

6.2. Feminist foreign policy

As FYEG, we stand for the development and implementation of a European feminist foreign policy. Feminist foreign policy is a political framework that is centred around the well-being of marginalised people and invokes processes of self- reflection regarding hierarchical global systems.

There is an urgent need for the EU to reconsider the way it conducts its external actions. Traditionally, foreign policy thinking tends to focus on military force and the security of states. Feminist foreign policy offers us a new, intersectional way to think about foreign policy from the viewpoint of the most vulnerable. It aims to elevate women’s and marginalised groups’ experiences and agency to scrutinise the destructive forces of patriarchy, neocolonialism, heteronormativity (see Glossary 80), capitalism (see Glossary 13), racism (see Glossary 141), imperialism (see Glossary 88), and militarism (see Glossary 105).

For European states, this means addressing its history of colonialism. Many European states built their wealth on the brutal exploitation of other countries. Colonialism and its aftershocks are affecting countries and the hierarchies in the international system to this day. A European feminist foreign policy must be a decolonial foreign policy. A first step into this direction is debt forgiveness (see Glossary 35) and reparations for formerly colonised countries. In the longer term, the way the EU conducts development assistance needs to be rethought and global economic institutions need to be reformed to effectively address the situation of formerly colonised countries.

FYEG supports the right to self-determination for peoples. The EU should promote the right to self-determination for peoples, in adherence to international law and states’ territories, and with the prospect of improving the human rights situation and democracy.

In terms of peacebuilding, a European feminist foreign policy means that more women and other marginalised groups must be brought to the negotiation table. Our focus should not be on top-down processes, but rather on community-centred initiatives. As part of a European feminist foreign policy, the institutions which shape foreign policy, such as the European External Action Service (see Glossary 58) and national foreign services, must reflect the diversity of the societies they work for. Foreign policy continues to be dominated by old white men, and it is the task of institutions to actively take steps to change this.

6.3. Peace and security

Peace is more than the mere absence of war. Our understanding of peace entails a positive peace that includes a commitment to justice and human rights and the eradication of poverty, discrimination, and social exclusion, as well as tackling the effects of the climate crisis.

Too often security is equated with militarisation. Such a perspective is not only false and limiting, but harmful. We need a paradigm shift in terms of security, putting more emphasis on crisis preparedness, resilience, and emerging security challenges such as hybrid threats and climate change. Further militarisation fails to meet today’s security challenges. Instead of militarisation, we therefore call for an allocation of resources to where they can contribute to human security (see Glossary 84) and truly sustainable peace. This includes ensuring funding for civil society organisations and humanitarian organisations. Human beings, not state security, must be at the heart of all security efforts. When it comes to conflict response, humanitarian action and dialogue must be prioritised over militarised intervention. Imposing sanctions has precedent over militarized intervention as well, yet sanctions must be targeted and do no harm to the overall population. Within international organisations dealing with security, the EU must actively fight for solutions built on the principles of human security. Within the EU, we must put an end to the unanimity requirement to impose international economic sanctions. However, we recognise that in certain situations dialogue is not enough. When genocide or other horrific human rights abuses are occuring, or unprovoked crimes of aggression occur and mediation has proven unsuccessful, we through the EU need to be able to forcefully and militarily respond to protect human life and security. To this end, we support the development of rapidly deployable and interoperable EU military forces that are able to engage in peace enforcement and civilian protection, such as the EUFOR Crisis Response Operations Core, so long as they are truly used for this purpose and not as an instrument of economic or national interests.

Through the production and export of arms, European States are fuelling conflicts across the world. We demand the end of arms exports. In line with the principle of human security, we also call on European States and the EU to increase efforts to make nuclear weapons illegal under international law and join the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (see Glossary 168). We also advocate for the global prohibition of lethal autonomous weapons (LAWs) (see Glossary 98).

We support all Stateless Peoples subjected to oppression by other states. We highlight the importance of supporting their fight for freedom and recognition, and call for international treaties to be respected in context of colonizing or apartheid regimes, only as defined by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Military activities, as well as other forms of subjugation, must be put to an end under the mandate of international organisations such as the United Nations Security Council, or the International Court of Justice. Recognition of new borders for these Peoples needs to be respected by all parties in order to include them as a rightful member of the international community. The climate crisis will only bring more meteorological and humanitarian disasters, which can be deadly, create problems for the delivery of essential services and risk destroying critical infrastructure. In times of peace we support the training and use of military forces for disaster response and preparedness, both within Europe and outside of it, in strict accordance with international law and solely under mandate.

6.4. Migration

We believe in the unrestricted right to travel and migrate for education, economic, security, freedom, peace, climate, and other reasons. Freedom of movement should be considered a human right. Your freedom and opportunities should not depend on where you or your parents were born or your ability to acquire a certain nationality.

At the same time, we are also conscious of the root causes of forced migration, especially from countries in which people are affected by famine, war, climate change, exploitation, and various kinds of persecution (ethnic, cultural, religious, political, ...). You should not be forced to look for better and safer conditions in other countries because your situation is deteriorating to the point where your life and that of your loved ones are put in grave danger. Furthermore, sustainable development cooperation is not only giving aid to those who need them. Europe should be proactive in rooting out the causes of forced migration, especially when originating from European actor's actions, and ensuring human security (cf Feminist Foreign Policy)

Europe must become a safe haven for people seeking refuge. Illegal pushbacks (see Glossary 85) of migrants and refugees must stop, and the humane treatment of migrants and refugees upon and after their arrival ensured, in particular access to sufficient food, clean and safe drinking water, and healthcare. The housing of migrants and refugees in mass camps with poor living conditions must end, and dignified housing must be provided immediately. Member states and local governments should strive to provide secure small-scale housing which will serve as a springboard for migrants and their families to be able to rent in the private housing market in the medium and long-term. In housing refugees, member states and local governments should also put the particular sensitivities into consideration including, but not limited to, unaccompanied minors, LGBTQ+ migrants, and migrants with disabilities.

Human rights activists who organise voluntary rescue operations have been charged with heinous crimes. Humans have always been migrating and will always migrate. Europe should support migration, facilitate secure travel for all migrants, especially refugees and asylum seekers, and make sure that all people are saved when in distress, as regulated in international admiralty law.

Criminalising and hassling private organisations and commercial ships which do so is a breach of international law and must be prosecuted. The European States' and the EU's externalisation of border management, through agreements such as the ones with the Turkish government and the Libyan authorities and militias, has further amplified the violations of human rights at the borders of the EU. This must end immediately.

We defend the right to asylum. Europe must create legal and safe channels for migration. We demand humanitarian and resettlement visas, allowing refugees to come to Europe safely. Administrative procedures to obtain these visas should be free of charge for applicants at the point of service. We need a common European asylum policy based on the principles of solidarity with migrants, asylum-seekers, and refugees. The Dublin system (see Glossary 42) as we now know it should be replaced. Refugees and asylum seekers already in the EU should be able to effectively register for asylum, have access to asylum procedures, and be able to request asylum not in the member state of arrival but in the one of their choice. A common system of EU procedures, requirements, and checks must be implemented, with clear time frames, in order to relieve pressure on the individual. We need a common European asylum policy based on the principles of solidarity. Additionally, all member states, particularly those who are of better financial standing, must welcome more refugees, in order to relieve pressure on border countries. In welcoming refugees, member states and local governments should also put particular sensitivities into consideration including, but not limited to, unaccompanied minors, LGBTQ+ migrants, and migrants with disabilities.

Europe does not have a migrant or refugee crisis, Europe has a militarisation of migration and border policies crisis. FYEG is unequivocally against “Fortress Europe". The militarisation of border management, including through Frontex (see Glossary 71), has turned Europe into a fortress, causing the death of thousands of migrants every year. We demand the abolition of Frontex and the reallocation of its budget and resources towards policy and appropriate institutions based on the human security framework. Their main objective is to create political, economic, social, cultural, and environmental conditions in which peoples' vital rights and freedoms are secure.

Current border policies institutionalise racism and social stratification (see Glossary 156). Instead, we should make sure that our migration policies serve to create a welcoming, inclusive, diverse, and peaceful Europe. This means equal access to education, job opportunities for all, the recognition of education and skills learnt in someone’s country of origin, and the provision of language training. Moreover, it should be easier to gain study, work, and residence permits in Europe and to be granted family reunification. The granting of permanent residence permits should be the norm, not the exception.

Across Europe, millions of people live undocumented. The rights of these paperless people (see Glossary 118) should be protected. There are millions of young people who were born in the EU but are not EU citizens because of their parents’ migration status. Anyone who is born in the EU is European and should receive an EU passport upon birth.

6.5. The geopolitical challenges of digitalisation

Digitalisation has brought new geopolitical challenges. Digital companies and platforms are in an excellent position to use the flaws of the current international system to their benefit, for example to avoid taxation or locate the country that will offer them the best conditions and the lowest level of accountability. At a time when certain companies have become more powerful than states, only international cooperation and European legislation can provide solutions and protect citizens’ personal data and privacy. We support dismantling the biggest tech companies to allow other actors to compete on a level playing field and to avoid the over-concentration of power. We also support the development of alternatives to tech giants that must show greater respect for people’s data and privacy.

Digitalisation has also created new online battlefields. The cyberattacks reported by some media outlets, hospitals, and public services show the need to reinforce cybersecurity (see Glossary 34). The attempts of some countries to influence democratic processes such as referenda and elections, for example through disinformation campaigns, also demonstrate the need to take preventative measures. We support a ban on targeted advertising (see Glossary 159) and the strong regulation of political advertising on social media. Finally, digitalisation also has geopolitical consequences in relation to the consumption of rare earth elements (REEs). REEs are essential for the manufacture of many electronic devices but are only found in sufficient quantities in certain countries, which makes them a source of geopolitical tension. We support the development of recycling facilities in Europe as well as limits on the export of waste containing REEs.

6.6. Trade and global justice

Sharp global inequalities shape today’s international system. Formerly colonised countries are suffering from the legacy of colonialism to this day. Global inequalities are also apparent in the climate crisis and the biodiversity crisis, as those who are the most responsible are not the same as those who are most severely affected. Global inequalities are perpetuated by free trade and by international trade rules that leave countries powerless to face multinational corporations.

FYEG stands for global justice. Global justice entails a rethinking of how we conduct both development and trade. The EU should reserve 1% of its GDP for development cooperation and should advocate for raising the OECD (see Glossary 115) standard to 1%. This amount must be fully spent on improving the situation of people in poverty-stricken countries providing local aid groups, communities or relevant authorities with funds and support to develop initiatives which fit their own priorities, in respect of good governance. It should neither end up with European companies that receive this as a covert subsidy, nor be spent to prevent migration to Europe. The EU and its Member States must fundamentally re- design their approach to trade agreements and finance development in order to fully comply with highest fair trade and environmental standards. Its development banks believe in outdated economic models that result in accumulated debt and large corporations stunting the growth of local businesses.

Trade must be fair. This means that trade can never be conducted at the expense of human rights, democracy, social and environmental standards, or the fight against the climate crisis. We oppose any trade and any trade agreements that do not fulfil these criteria. Like development policies, fair trade must acknowledge the responsibility of former colonial European states towards countries which have historically been exploited and hindered in their economic development by them. Fair trade must respect the interests of formerly colonised countries and must not counter the objectives of development policies.

The change we are calling for is not limited to trade agreements. We also call for regulatory due diligence and transparency in supply chains to prevent environmental harm and to ensure social rights. European companies must be held responsible in European States and the EU for breaches committed in third countries. A human rights due diligence (HRDD) legislation, legally referring to all human rights, should apply to all business relations of all companies who are making use of the EU’s single market (with specific considerations for SMEs) to ensure that the entire supply chain is being looked at. We believe that HRDD legislation must at least cover, but not be limited to, severe human rights violations, and their enforcement must be uniform across the EU.

FYEG stands for a different type of globalisation, one that is based not on increasing profits and trade at all costs, but rather on exchanging ideas, celebrating cultural diversity, and working together towards a better future.

6.7. A Green European Neighbourhood Policy

The EU will not become stronger by closing itself off from others. Through the European Neighbourhood Policy (see Glossary 59) the EU has since its inception tried and failed to guarantee democracy, human rights, fair economies and rule of law for states bordering the Mediterranean and to the East of the Union.

Though the expansion of the EU is not an end in itself, EU membership should be open to all European countries that are not yet or no longer members of the EU. We support the accession of countries who express the wish to join the EU if they meet human rights, democratic, and rule of law criteria.

The EU should develop and maintain strong cooperation with neighbouring countries who are not members of the EU, including by guaranteeing visa-free travel and participation in key programmes such as Erasmus+ (see Glossary 48). For non-European states, the entire policy needs an overhaul with enhanced conditionality, greater focus and rewards for progress on fundamental rights, and cooperation on environmental and climate issues. As greens, we support measures that secure peace and prosperity, and provide the basis for environmental and climate action. The European Neighbourhood Policy has the potential to do so, but does not contribute to the achievements of these objectives right now.

Glossary

1. Ableism: Discrimination or prejudice against disabled individuals or people who are perceived to be disabled.

2. Alternative text: A written description of an image to help screen-reading tools explain the image to visually impaired readers.

3. Antimicrobial resistance: A process through which microbes evolve and develop mechanisms that protect them from the effects of antimicrobials such as antibiotics and antifungals. This phenomenon is being accelerated by the massive use of antimicrobials in intensive animal farming.

4. Antisemitism: A certain perception of Jews as a religious, ethnic, or racial group, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews or discrimination against them.

5. Antiziganism: Hostility, prejudice, discrimination, or racism specifically directed at Romani people.

6. Article 7 of the Treaty on EU: Procedure to suspend certain rights from Member States of the EU in the event of a breach of EU fundamental values.

7. Artificial intelligence (AI): The ability of a machine to complete tasks which ordinarily require human intelligence.

8. Austerity policies: A set of government-imposed economic policies to reduce budget deficits. Measures can include tax increases and spending cuts.

9. Autocracy: A system of government in which supreme power over a state is concentrated in the hands of one person.

10. Banking regulation: Government rules or regulations on how banks and financial institutions should conduct business.

11. Bioenergy: Energy produced using biomass or biofuels, including energy from wood or other plants, plant-derived biofuels, and organic waste.

12. Bodily autonomy: The right to govern what happens to one's own body.

13. Capitalism: An economic system in which the means of production are in private ownership and operated for profit. It is characterised by the accumulation of capital, investments determined by private decision, and the fact that prices and the production and distribution of goods are primarily determined by competition in a free market.

14. Carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM): A proposed tax to be imposed on certain goods imported from outside the EU, based on their carbon footprint. The CBAM would reduce emissions and encourage the use of domestically produced goods.

4215. Carbon capture and storage (CCS): A process which attempts to prevent the release of large quantities of carbon dioxide (CO2) into the atmosphere from fossil fuel use in power generation and other industries. Waste CO2 is captured, transported to a storage site, and pumped into underground geologic formations, where it is securely stored away and thus prevented from reaching the atmosphere.

16. Carbon neutral economy: An economy that operates without releasing more CO2 than can be absorbed by carbon sinks.

17. Carbon sink: Anything that absorbs more CO2 that it emits. Examples include areas of vegetation (e.g. forests) and phytoplankton-rich seas, which naturally absorb the CO2 present in the atmosphere.

18. Carbon tax: A tax paid by businesses that emit CO2 in the course of their operations.

19. Carbon-intensive industries: Industries that emit high quantities of CO2 and are responsible for the vast majority of CO2 emissions.

20. Care income: Remuneration received by non-professional carers such as family members for their care work.

21. Circular economy: In contrast to the linear economy, a circular economy is designed to eliminate waste, promote the continuous use of resources and materials, and use finite resources in a sustainable way.

22. Citizen-initiated referendum: A referendum that can be initiated by a group of citizens as opposed to referendums that are initiated by government and elected bodies.

23. Civil disobedience: Active and professed refusal to obey certain laws, governmental

demands, or commands. Used as a nonviolent and usually collective means of political action.

24. Clean meat —also known as in vitro or cultured meat— is meat that is grown in cell culture, rather than in an animal’s body.

25. Common Agricultural Policy: The agricultural policy of the EU, introduced in 1962. It now consists of a system of agricultural subsidies as well as other programmes.

26. Commons: Cultural and natural resources accessible to all members of a society, including natural materials such as air, water, and a habitable earth. These resources are held in common as opposed to being under private ownership.

27. Comprehensive urban planning: A process that determines community goals and development aspirations as a first step. Areas such as transportation, utilities, land use, recreation, and housing are all considered.

28. Conversion therapy: The use of any of various methods in an attempt to change a person’s sexual orientation to heterosexual, or to change a person’s gender identity to correspond to the sex they were assigned at birth. Conversion therapy is not based on scientific evidence and is ineffective and harmful.

29. Cooperative business model: A membership-based business model in which a group of people with a specific need are willing to work together to found and operate a jointly owned company that will meet that need.

30. Corporate tax: A tax that companies are required to pay on the profits they make.

31. Corrida: Bullfight.

32. Council of the EU: Decision-making body of the EU made up of ministers of EU Member States. Together with the European Parliament, it amends and approves the legislative proposals of the European Commission.

33. Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU): The judicial branch of the EU. It ensures that the legislation agreed upon is interpreted and implemented identically across all Member States, and that such implementation is in compliance with that legislation. The CJEU also deals with legal disputes between Member States and the EU institutions and, in certain cases, between businesses, organisations or individuals and the EU institutions.

34. Cybersecurity: The application of technologies, processes, and controls to protect systems, networks, programmes, devices, and data from cyberattacks.

35. Debt forgiveness: The total cancelation of debt owed by individuals, corporations, or states.

36. Degrowth: Degrowth is a planned reduction of energy and material use designed to bring the economy back into balance with the living world in a way that reduces inequality and improves human well-being, at the local and global level, in the short and long term. Degrowth is a coherent policy to reduce ecological impact, reduce inequality, and improve well-being. In contrast with degrowth, recessions are not planned, and do not target any of these outcomes. They are not intended to reduce ecological impact, and they are certainly not intended to reduce inequality and improve well-being – indeed, they do the opposite.

37. De-monopolise: Break up existing monopolies.

38. Dichotomy of binary gender: The classification of gender into two distinct, opposite forms of masculine and feminine, whether by social system or cultural belief.

39. Digitalisation: The use of digital technologies to improve business processes. Digitalisation may change business models and provide new revenue and value-producing opportunities. Also the process of moving to a digital business model.

40. Dolphinarium: A pool or aquarium for dolphins and other aquatic mammals, allowing them to be on public display.

41. Doughnut economics: An economic model which places emphasis on balance between socio-ecological systems and highlights the importance of serving one without excessively damaging the other, remaining within a safe and just space for humanity.

42. Dublin system: An EU mechanism that determines which Member State is responsible for the examination of an asylum application submitted by someone seeking international protection within the EU under the Geneva Convention.

4443. Economic growth: An increase in the production of goods and services, compared from one time period to another.

44. Economy for Common Good: A social movement advocating for an alternative economic model. It calls for working towards the common good and cooperation as values above profit-orientation and competition.

45. Electric pulse fishing: A fishing technique sometimes used which uses electric shocks to catch fish.

46. Embodied energy: Embodied energy is the sum of all the energy required to produce any goods or services, considered as if that energy was incorporated or 'embodied' in the product itself.

47. Energy poverty: The lack of access to modern energy services.

48. Erasmus: Erasmus+ (formerly known as Erasmus) is a programme to support mobility and cooperation opportunities in higher education, vocational education and training, school education, adult education, youth work and sport. Best known for its university exchange programme.

49. Erasmus+: See Erasmus.

50. EU Charter of Fundamental Rights: Legally binding charter that sets out the rights and liberties of everyone in the EU.

51. EU minimum wage scheme: Proposed EU directive on the introduction of a minimum wage for workers in the EU to ensure a decent living.

52. EU Rights and Values programme: The programme aims to protect the rights and values enshrined in the EU treaties by supporting civil society organisations and encouraging civic and democratic participation.

53. EU4Health programme: The EU’s response to the COVID-19 crisis. The largest ever EU programme within the health sector, EU4Health aims to increase preparedness for cross-border health threats, as well as strengthen health systems across the EU.

54. European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML): European convention for the protection and promotion of languages used by traditional minorities.

55. European Commission: The executive branch of the EU. Responsible for proposing legislation, implementing decisions, upholding the EU treaties, and managing the day-to-day business of the EU.

56. European Convention on Human Rights: An international convention to protect human rights and political freedoms in Europe, adopted in the framework of the Council of Europe and that is enforced by the European Court of Human Rights.

57. European Council: EU institution which defines the general political direction and priorities of the EU. It comprises the heads of state or government of Member States, the Commission president, and the president of the European Council.

58. European External Action Service (EEAS): The diplomatic service of the EU.

59. European Neighbourhood Policy is the structure that governs the EU’s relations with states in its immediate neighbourhood.

60. European Parliament: Directly elected EU body that has legislative power, budgetary power, and control over other EU institutions such as the European Commission.

61. European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO): Independent office responsible for investigating, prosecuting, and bringing to judgment crimes against the EU budget.

62. Federal Europe: The transformation of the EU from a confederation (union of sovereign states) to a federation with a central government.

63. Feminism: A range of social movements, political movements, and ideologies that aim to establish gender equality in society.

64. Fish aggregating devices: An object used to attract fish such as marlin, tuna and dolphins. Widely used in the industrial fishing of tuna, it is accused of increasing the fishing of juveniles, bycatches of sensitive species as well as creating marine litter.

65. Food security: The ability for all people, at all times, to have physical, social, and economic access to sufficient, safe, and nutritious food that meets their food preferences and dietary needs for an active and healthy life.

66. Food sovereignty: A concept developed by farmers based on the right of people to healthy and culturally appropriate food produced through ecologically sound and sustainable methods, and the right of communities to control the way food is produced, traded, and consumed. It could create a food system that is designed to help people and the environment rather than to generate profits for multinational corporations.

67. Force-feeding: A feeding technique used in the production of foie gras. A nutritional substance is given to the goose by means of a small plastic feeding tube passed through the nose or mouth into the stomach. As a result, their livers become massively enlarged.

68. Fracked gas: Gas obtained through the use of fracking. Fracking is the process of drilling down into the earth before a high-pressure water mixture is directed at the rock to release the gas inside.

69. Freedom of movement: The right to travel, work, and live in a country, as well as the unconditional right to leave and re-enter.

70. Freedom to stay: The right to remain in the country of one’s choosing.

71. Frontex: The European Border and Coast Guard Agency. An EU agency, Frontex is responsible for border control of the European Schengen Area, in coordination with the national border and coast guards of Schengen Area Member States.

72. Gender-based violence: Harmful acts directed at an individual based on their gender. It is rooted in gender inequality, the abuse of power, and harmful norms.

4673. Genetically modified organisms (GMOs): Animals, plants, or microbes whose DNA has been altered using genetic engineering techniques.

74. Genital mutilation: A procedure that typically includes the total or partial excision of external genitalia. Female genital mutilation (FGM) involves the partial or total removal of external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons. It is recognised internationally as a violation of the human rights of girls and women.

75. Genuine progress indicator (GPI): A national-level indicator that provides information on sustainable economic welfare, rather than just economic activity. GPI has been suggested to replace or supplement GDP.

76. Geoengineering (also known as climate engineering): The deliberate manipulation of the Earth's climate to counteract the effects of global warming from greenhouse gas emissions.

77. Globalisation: The growing integration and interdependence of the world's economies, cultures, and populations, brought about by cross-border trade in goods and services, technology, and flows of investment, people, and information.

78. Greenwashing: A superficial or insincere display of concern for the environment, usually in order to gain business advantage.

79. Gross domestic product (GDP): The market value of all the final goods and services produced within the geographic boundaries of a country within a specified time period, normally a year.

80. Heteronormativity: A discourse which is based on the assumption that heterosexuality is the norm and privileges this over any other form of sexual orientation.

81. Homophobia: A range of negative attitudes and feelings towards homosexuality or people who identify or are perceived as being lesbian, gay, or bisexual, as well as systemic discrimination against them.

82. Housing First: An approach to tackling homelessness in which permanent housing is seen as a person’s first and primary need and is provided without any preconditions.

83. Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV): A virus that attacks the immune system. If not treated, HIV can lead to AIDS (acquired immunodeficiency syndrome).

84. Human security: A security concept that redirects focus from the security of states to insecurities in people’s daily lives, such as the threat of hunger, disease, crime, environmental degradation, and issues related to the labour market.

85. Illegal pushbacks: Illegal cross-border expulsions without due process.

86. Illiberal democracy: A governing system in which, although elections take place, citizens are cut off from knowledge about the activities of those who exercise real power because of the lack of civil liberties.

87. Illiberalism: See “illiberal democracy":

88. Imperialism: The policy, practice, or advocacy of extending the power and dominion of a nation, especially by direct territorial acquisitions or by gaining indirect control over the political or economic life of other areas.

89. Informed consent: Agreement or permission to take a particular course of action granted in full knowledge of the possible effects or results.

90. International Monetary Fund (IMF): A multilateral institution that lends money to governments with the aim of stabilising currencies and maintaining order in international financial markets.

91. Intersectionality: A way of understanding how people’s overlapping identities impact the way they experience oppression and discrimination.

92. Intersex people: Intersex is an umbrella term for differences in sex traits or reproductive anatomy. Intersex people are born with these differences or develop them in childhood. There are many possible variations in genitalia, hormones, internal anatomy, and chromosome patterns.

93. Islamophobia: A range of negative attitudes and feelings towards people who practise Islam or are perceived as Muslims, as well as systemic discrimination against them.

94. Istanbul Convention: The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence. A legally binding treaty aiming to put an end to violence against women and domestic violence.

95. Just transition: A framework developed to encompass a range of social interventions needed to secure workers' rights and livelihoods when economies are shifting to sustainable production, primarily combating climate change and protecting biodiversity.

96. Kerosene: A clear flammable liquid primarily obtained from petroleum, commonly used as a fuel for jet engines.

97. Legalisation of drugs: Drug production and commercialisation is legal under specific conditions that are controlled by the government.

98. Lethal Autonomous Weapons (LAWs): A type of autonomous military system that can independently search for and engage targets based on programmed constraints and descriptions.

99. Level playing field: A state in which conditions in a competition or situation are fair for everyone.

100. LGBTQIA+: An initialism that stands for lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, queer, intersex, and asexual, as well as other gender, sexual, or romantic minorities.

101. Linear economy: An economic model based on the assumption of a constant supply of raw materials, resulting in a “take-make-dispose” mentality.

102. Mass data retention: The collection and storage of data on individuals and their online behaviour by governments and businesses.

103. Medically assisted procreation (MAP): A generic term for any of a range of techniques that manipulate an egg and/or sperm to bring about fertilisation.

104. Metadata: Data that provides information about other data.

105. Militarism: The belief that a country should maintain a strong military capability and be prepared to use it aggressively to defend or promote national interests.

106. Monopoly: A company, person or state that has (near) complete control over the supply of or trade in a commodity or service, meaning that it is impossible for others to become involved in it.

107. Multilateralism: In international relations, multilateralism refers to an alliance of multiplecountries pursuing a common goal.

108. Neocolonialism: The use of economic, political, cultural, or other pressures to control or influence other countries, especially formerly colonised ones.

109. Neoliberalism: A political and economical ideology, associated with economic liberalism and free-market capitalism. It supports privatization, deregulation, free trade, austerity and reductions in government spending.

110. Net neutrality: The principle that internet service providers (ISPs) should treat all data equally. According to this principle, ISPs may not intentionally prioritise certain types of online traffic and block or meter others.

111. Nuclear energy: Energy that is produced from nuclear reactions.

112. Nuclear fusion: A process in which two or more atoms are combined to form one or more atomic nuclei and subatomic particles, producing energy. Research is being funded into the use of this energy in electricity production, for example through the ITER programme.

113. Open source-based platforms: Software that is publicly licensed and designed with available source code, granting users the right to use, copy, study, change, and improve its structure ordesign.

114. Oppression: Unjust or cruel exercise of authority or power.

115. Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD): An international organisation with the mandate to stimulate economic progress and world trade.

116. Own resources: The EU’s main sources of revenue comprising duties and levies, value added tax, and national contributions.

117. Palliative care: Medical and related care provided to a seriously ill patient to manage symptoms, relieve pain and discomfort, improve quality of life, and meet the emotional, social, and spiritual needs of the patient.

118. Paperless person: A person who does not have any proof of their legal identity or status.

119. Parental leave: Time off from employment granted to parents to care for a child following its birth or adoption. Employers are required to hold employees’ jobs for the duration of the leave period. Parental leave is sometimes unpaid. FYEG supports fully paid parental leave.

120. Paris Agreement: A legally binding international treaty on climate change mitigation, adaptation, and finance, signed in 2016. Its primary goal is to limit the global average temperature rise to well below 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels, in addition to pursuing efforts to limit the increase to 1.5 degrees.

121. Parliamentary system: A democratic system of governance in which the executive has the direct or indirect support of a democratically elected parliament, and is held accountable to that parliament.

122. Participatory budgeting: A process of democratic deliberation and decision- making in which citizens decide how to allocate part of a municipal or public budget.

123. Patriarchy: A social system in which men hold primary power.

124. Pesticide: A chemical substance or biological agent used to deter, incapacitate, or kill certain insects, mammals, wild plants, and other unwanted organisms.

125. Physical communications infrastructure: The network of interconnected resources (cables, switches, towers, antennae, etc.) upon which broadcasting, telecommunication, and internet services are operated.

126. Pink tax: The tendency for products marketed specifically toward women to be more expensive than those marketed for men.

127. Platform workers: Workers that are put in contact with customers through online and are paid for each completed task rather than employed through regular work contracts with social protections.

128. Pluralistic society: A society in which members of diverse ethnic, racial, religious, and social groups are able to maintain and develop their unique cultural identities, with the acceptance of the dominant culture, provided these are consistent with the laws and values of wider society.

129. Poverty line: The minimum level of personal or family income deemed adequate in a particular country, below which one is classified as poor according to governmental standards.

130. Presidential system: A system of government in which the president is constitutionally independent of the legislature and holds most executive power.

131. Privilege: Special status or advantages conferred on certain groups at the expense of other groups.

132. Productivism: The theory that increasing productivity is the primary goal of socio-economic activity.

133. Profit maximisation: The process by which a firm determines the price, input, and output level that returns the greatest profit.

134. Progressive taxation: A tax system based on the taxpayer’s ability to pay. Low-income earners pay a lower rate of tax than those with higher incomes.

50135. Proportional representation: An electoral system in which the number of seats held by a political group or party within a legislative body is proportional to the number of votes received.

136. Public housing: Low-rent housing owned, sponsored, or administered by the state.

137. Qualified majority: One of the voting systems used by the Council of the EU to take decisions (the others being simple majority and unanimous vote). The usual qualified majority is reached when 55% of Member States representing at least 65% of the total EU population vote in favour. In special cases, the figure rises to 72% of Member States representing at least 65% of the EU population.

138. Queer: An umbrella term for gender, sexual and romantic minorities who are not heterosexual, heteronormative, or gender-binary.

139. Quota (diversity and inclusion): A policy requiring a certain number or share of minority group members or women on boards, shortlists, etc., in order to make institutions and businesses more representative.

140. Racialised people: Individuals who have been ascribed a racial identity for the purpose of continued domination, discrimination, and social exclusion.

141. Racism: The systemic discrimination and oppression of people on the basis of their supposed membership of particular racial or ethnic groups, built through the perpetuation of prejudices and the belief that there are different races, some of which are superior to others.

142. Relocalising the economy: Establishing a network of small businesses in the local area to fulfil basic needs rather than relying on national or global corporate monopolies.

143. Repairability: The extent to which an object is able to be repaired.

144. Representative recall: A process through which voters can remove elected officials before their official terms have ended.

145. Right to be forgotten: The right of an individual to have private information on them deleted so that third persons can no longer trace them.

146. Right to challenge: An option offered in some countries allowing citizens to call for a referendum challenging a decision taken by the parliament or the government.

147. Right to disconnect: The right to digitally disconnect from work without facing negative repercussions.

148. Right to self-determination: The right for people, based on respect for the principle of equal rights and fair equality of opportunity, to freely choose their sovereignty and international political status with no interference.

149. Rule of law: The principle that all persons, institutions, and entities are subject to the law, including lawmakers, law enforcement officials, and judges.

150. Rule of law mechanism: Preventive tool to promote the rule of law and provide options in the event of breaches by Member States, for example the suspension of EU funding.

151. Schengen Area: An area in which all member countries have agreed to abolish controls at internal borders and create a single external border.

152. Secrecy of correspondence: A fundamental legal principle guaranteeing that sealed correspondence will not be opened and the content will not be revealed to anyone but the addressee.

153. Secular state: A state that is neutral in matters of religion.

154. Sixth mass extinction: An ongoing mass extinction event of wildlife on Earth as a result of human activity, in particular over the last century.

155. Social justice: The objective of social justice is to create a fair and equal society in which each individual matters, their rights are recognised and protected and in which wealth is fairly distributed.

156. Social stratification: The hierarchical structures of class and status in any society.

157. Speculation (financial): Investment, in particular on the housing market, involving high financial risk but also the possibility of significant gain.

158. Subsidiarity principle: A principle according to which social and political issues should be dealt with at the most immediate (or local) level that is consistent with their resolution.

159. Targeted advertising: Internet advertising that delivers customised adverts to consumers based on their behaviour on the internet.

160. Tax avoidance: The arrangement of one's financial affairs to minimise tax liability within the law.

161. Tax haven: A country or place which offers foreign individuals and companies very low tax rates. People choose to live there or register companies there to avoid paying higher tax in their own countries.

162. Taxation of financial transactions: A tax that is applied to all financial transactions, just as tax is paid on all other transactions, services, and goods.

163. Tech giants: The largest and most dominant companies in the information technology industry.

164. Too big to fail: Companies and business, particularly banks, that are so interconnected and so large that their failure would have a serious impact on the economic system, and that therefore

require rescuing by governments in the event of potential failure.

165. Trade union: An organisation formed primarily by workers in order to represent their rights and interests to their employers.

166. Trans people: People who have a gender identity or gender expression that differs from the sex that they were assigned at birth. People whose gender identity matches the sex that they were assigned at birth are referred to as cisgender or cis people.

167. Transphobia: A range of negative attitudes and feelings towards transgender people, as well as the systemic discrimination against them.

168. Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons: An international agreement to comprehensively prohibit nuclear weapons with the ultimate goal being their total elimination.

169. Trickle-down theory: A theory according to which financial benefits given to large businesses and the wealthy will in turn trickle down to smaller businesses and consumers.

170. Two degrees Celsius compared to pre-industrial levels: One of the objectives of the Paris Agreement is to keep a global temperature rise well below this level. Global temperature rises are usually calculated compared to “pre-industrial levels”, meaning before the unusual rise in global temperature observed since the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

171. UN 2030 Agenda: A resolution adopted by the UN General Assembly which focuses on achieving 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which aim to end poverty and hunger, combat inequalities, and create a peaceful, just, sustainable, and inclusive society.

172. UN Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas: Declaration adopted in 2018 by the UN General Assembly which recognises the rights of farmers and people living in rural areas. These include the right to nature, seeds, land, water, biodiversity, health, education, and housing, as well as labour rights and cultural rights.

173. UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC): An international treaty signed in 1992 which sets a framework to address climate change at a global level. Regular international negotiations have been organised under the aegis of the treaty which led to the adoption, among others, of the Tokyo Protocol and the Paris Agreement.

174. UN Security Council: One of the six principal organs of the UN system, the UN Security Council is responsible for maintaining peace and security. Its resolutions are legally binding.

175. Unanimity: The agreement of all.

176. Unconscious bias: An attitude or stereotype that an individual unconsciously associates with another person or group of people.

177. Unemployment benefit: A payment made at regular intervals to an unemployed person.

178. Unilateralism: An approach in which a country decides on a policy or course of action on its own, without regard to the interests of other states, outside agreement or support, or reciprocity.

179. Universal basic income (UBI): A periodic payment provided to all on an individual basis, without means testing or work requirements.

180. Upload filters: Automated decision-making tools that scan files uploaded to a particular platform in order to determine if these violate the platform’s guidelines and rules.

181. Uranium: A chemical element widely used in nuclear power plants and nuclear weapons

182. Vocational colleges: Post-secondary educational establishments that offer teaching and practical experience in skilled trades.

53183. Waste heat recovery: The use of the surplus heat produced by processes whose main aim is not heat production.

184. Wealth tax: A tax based on the value of the assets owned by a taxpayer.

185. White privilege: The societal privilege that benefits white people over non-white people in some societies.

186. World Bank: A multilateral financial institution that lends money to governments and government agencies for development projects.

187. Xenophobia: A range of negative attitudes and feelings towards foreigners or people who are perceived as foreign, as well as systemic discrimination against them.

188. Zoonotic diseases: Any infection or disease that is transmitted to humans from animals.

189. Peremptory norms: Also jus cogens norms. These norms are rules accepted by (almost) all states, which are of fundamental importance for the international community, and which have universal application and are always valid and may not be derogated from. Examples include the prohibition of genocide, piracy, slavery, racial discrimination, the crime of aggression and the unlawful use of force.

190. Universal human needs: A framework which defines human needs as universal which acknowledges that individuals, everywhere in the world, at all times present and future, have certain basic needs which must be met in order for people to avoid harm, to participate in society, and to reflect critically upon the conditions in which they find themselves. One Important distinction made by this framework is the distinction between needs and satisfiers. Needs are limited, universal, and nonhierarchical and their fulfilment leads to wellbeing while satisfiers concern how needs are pursued in specific contexts and range from social practices to political models to personal values. Max-Neef identifies universal human needs as subsistence, protection, affection, understanding, participation, idleness, creation, identity and freedom.