1. Background

Political Platform is a document that serves as a backbone for all political work FYEG does as a federation, may it be campaigns, strategic outreach or election materials. The aim of Political platform is to be the first thing any young green reaches for when looking for inspiration, direction or articulation of our shared vision.

FYEG's current Political Platform was adopted at the General Assembly of 2021, building on its predecessor from 2012. Since its adoption, the world has changed in almost every aspect of our life: the political climate in Europe has shifted, the climate crisis has deepened, new conflicts such as the full-scale invasion of Ukraine have reshaped our continent, and FYEG itself has grown and evolved as an organisation.

The idea of renewal process is coming from an identified need for strengthening the ideological understanding of who we are as a movement and willingness to look for concrete pathways to building a more just, green and federal Europe, on all levels of politics. It is crucial to involve all the MOs as well as Civil Society and grassroots movements in the process, to make sure the final document reflects the internal conversation of the Federation and European progressive movements all around.

2. How the new Political Platform could look like

The new Political Platform will need to answer four essential questions:

• What do the Young Greens of today fight for?

• What do we envision for Europe and the world in 2030 and beyond?

• What are our political priorities for the next five years across Europe?

• What is our theory of change to achieve our vision of the 2030s?

The final document is meant to be radically and honestly green, ambitious and directly translatable into clear policy proposals and actionable plans for governance and organising. Ideally, this document will serve as the main source for the election manifesto of 2029.

3. Explanation of the Two-Year Plan

Given the scope and the significance of this renewal, as well as the participatory and capacity building -oriented approach, the EC proposes a structured two-year process spanning two mandates: 2026–2027 and 2027–2028. What is new is that this time we are committing to a broader, more participatory approach that embeds political platform renewal into the usual capacity building work of FYEG.

The process will be coordinated by two successive working groups, each with a mandate of one year and distinct but complementary roles:

The Facilitators (GA 2026 – GA 2027) are a group of more experienced FYEG members with expertise in moderation, session design, and capacity building. Their role is not to write the platform, but to design and run the process that gathers the raw material for it. They will reach out to Member Organisations, embed PP renewal into each capacity building activity of the mandate, and deliver a consolidated research output and proposed table of contents to the GA of 2027. They will be formally accepted by the GA of 2026.

The Writers (GA 2027 – GA 2028) are a group of FYEGers with a passion for political writing and experience in political processes, as well as interest in joining the dissemination of the Political Platform after it is accepted. They will take the structured input from the Facilitators and translate it into the final Political Platform text, working in close collaboration with the EC and the office. Ideally, the majority of Writers will also be involved in the EU29 campaign. A maximum of two Facilitators may continue into the Writers group to ensure continuity. They will be formally accepted by the GA of 2027.

4. Plan for 2026-2027

The mandate of 2026–2027 is the input and research phase of the renewal process. Its primary goal is to gather, organise, and synthesise political input from Member Organisations and embed the renewal process across all capacity building activities of the year. By the end of this mandate, the Facilitators and EC should be able to present a consolidated research report and a proposed table of contents to the GA of 2027.

The EC proposes the Facilitators’ group to be the following:

(1) Emil Schenkyr

(2) Øyunn S. Kåset

(3) Mina Jack Tolu

(4) Niks Derums

(5) Cyn Munthoni

(6) Mia Uremovic

On top of this, Anja Presnukhina from the EC of 2025-2026 is proposed to be assisting the group in the first stages. The group will also include the Secretary General and one EC member as the responsibles from the FYEG EC side.

Proposed timeline:

May 2026: GA
The General Assembly of 2026 will formally accept:

• The Facilitators working group

• The Activity Plan of 2026-2027, that includes the PP renovation plan.

Throughout Activity Plan 2026

Over the course of the mandate the Facilitators, in coordination with the EC and the office will design and run a series of consultative activities that may include:

• Dedicated interactive session at the Summer Camp

• Online workshops or surveys with the Member Organisations

• Bilateral conversations with MO contacts on political priorities of their organisations.

It is important to note, that while the Facilitators are in charge of preparing the session outlines, documentation and synthesis of the work, they may delegate the on-ground work in physical activities to the Prep Team members, in case their participation is impossible for one or another reason.

January 2027

At the third EC Retreat of the mandate, the Facilitators will present an interim report to the EC. This is the first major internal checkpoint: the EC will review the research collected so far, discuss emerging themes and priorities, and provide feedback to shape the final phase of the input process.

Young Greens Forum 2027

At the Young Greens Forum of 2027, the Facilitators will present the interim results of their research to Member Organisations. A dedicated workshop on the structure of the new Political Platform will take place, allowing MOs to give feedback on how the document should be organised before the writing phase begins.

By April of 2027, the EC must appoint the proposed group of the Writers to be accepted at the General Assembly of 2028. It is up to the EC to decide the process with which this group is recruited.

May 2027: GA, Delivery and Handover

The GA of 2027 marks the formal conclusion of the Facilitators' mandate and the transition to the Writers phase. At the GA:

• The Facilitators present a consolidated research report and a proposed table of contents for the new Political Platform

• The GA adopts the table of contents as the working framework for the writers

• The Writers working group is elected by the GA, launching the second stage of the renewal process

Noting that

• The Executive Committee is undertaking a broader reform of FYEG’s Awareness Team, safe space framework, and internal accountability structures;

• Existing procedural gaps, outdated governance provisions, and previous
  misinterpretations of the Internal Rules of Procedure have limited the democratic legitimacy, transparency, and practical effectiveness of these structures;

Recognising that

• The reform package aims to strengthen the role of the General Assembly in approving and overseeing the volunteer member of the Awareness Team;

• Safer space and safeguarding procedures must remain effective, participatory, and immediately enforceable to ensure trust, accountability, and survivor protection;.

• Delays in implementation could undermine the coherence and effectiveness of these urgently needed governance reforms;

Believing that

• The immediate enforcement of amendments 3, 4, 5, and 6 is necessary to ensure full practical application of the Executive Committee’s awareness and safe space reform agenda;

• These amendments collectively improve democratic oversight, transparency, procedural clarity, and safeguarding flexibility across FYEG’s governance framework;

• Immediate implementation ensures consistency between the Statutes, IRPs, and the broader institutional reform process;

The Executive Committee requests, with the approval of
the General Assembly, that

• IRP amendments 3, 4, 5, and 6 be applied immediately upon adoption;

Note: As the Statutes and IRPs are being amended, this resolution shall, where
necessary, be interpreted in line with any adopted changes to ensure coherence
throughout FYEG’s governance framework.

Noting that

• Across Europe, Green and progressive parties are increasingly joining
  forces against the far right. In some cases, this has led to party mergers or
  changes that affect their youth organisations in international federations.

Recognising that

• Mergers or structural changes of mother parties can create uncertainty about
  the membership status of their youth organisations within the European
  Green Party and FYEG;

• Decisions by external organisations should not automatically determine
  FYEG’s internal membership decisions.

Believing that

• FYEG must be able to act quickly to ensure stability and clarity during
  political changes;

• FYEG should decide its own membership independently and continue
  supporting youth organisations committed to green and progressive values.

The Executive Committee requests, with the approval of the General Assembly, that

• The Internal Rules of Procedure (IRP’s) be amended to allow the General
  Assembly, or between General Assemblies the Executive Committee acting
  by qualified majority, to confirm or adapt the membership status of a member
  organisation undergoing merger, dissolution, or structural change;

• Such decisions can be made before the finalisation of external processes
  and shall take immediate effect, and be binding regardless of subsequent
  decisions by third-party organisations.

Note: As the Statutes and IRPs are being amended, this resolution shall, where
necessary, be interpreted in line with any adopted changes to ensure consistency
across governing documents.

The Federation of Young European Greens (FYEG) and its members organisations recognise imperialism did not end with the formal dismantling of colonial empires. Today, imperial domination is exercised through military occupation, economic coercion, debt dependency, control over knowledge and technology, and the monopolisation of global commons, including outer space.

International law exists to protect everyone, people and states, especially in an asymmetric geopolitical landscape where many small actors are challenged by few powerful empires. Many promoted the illusion that modern empires would balance their influence, resulting in peace. However, reality is different: while superpowers will not engage in direct confrontation, they express violent imperialistic attitudes against their neighbours.

In their eyes, international law is not valid within their regional spheres of influence, where they play by their own rules.

This crisis directly challenges core Green values: peace, democracy, climate justice, feminism, and anti-racism. Imperialism disproportionately harms marginalised communities, including women, racialised groups, and young people, while concentrating power in the hands of states and corporations. The urgency to act is therefore both global and European.

Clear contemporary examples illustrate these dynamics.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 represents a blatant act of territorial annexation that violates international law and sovereignty, denying Ukraine’s right to exist and aiming for a subordinate regime, while interfering with democratic processes across Europe.

Imperialism is also exercised through economic warfare and destabilisation. The United States intensified sanctions against Cuba through “maximum pressure 2.0”, demonstrating how economic coercion punishes sovereignty and constrains democratic choice. Similarly, the kidnapping and extraterritorial detention of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro in 2026 highlights risks posed by unilateral interventions bypassing international legal processes.

Israel's strikes on Iran, with US support, and the invasion of Lebanon, including sieges and attacks on healthcare and civilian areas, constitute violations of international law and possible war crimes. The ongoing assault on Gaza, which UN bodies and genocide scholars deemed genocide in 2025, exemplifies imperial violence through occupation, collective punishment, and denial of Palestinian self-determination.

China, far from being a peaceful superpower, has extended sovereignty over Hong Kong, pressures Taiwan toward annexation, and commits human rights violations such as the persecution of Uyghurs.

The pattern is clear: modern empires seek to delegitimise international law and multilateral institutions, presenting themselves as the only legitimate providers of security. This reflects a system where power is concentrated among a few states and corporations, benefiting dominant actors while harming smaller states, marginalised communities, and future generations.

For young people, this system undermines democratic participation, economic justice, climate stability, and peace. Existing policies have failed because they allow selective application of international law and prioritise geopolitical interests over justice and accountability.

Europe plays a key role globally but often subordinates itself to these systems, as seen in energy dependence and extractive economic relations. Neocolonial practices persist, while human rights are inconsistently applied. Protecting international law also means protecting AFAB and marginalised communities globally.

This urgency extends beyond Earth. The increasing commercialisation, militarisation, and privatisation of space risks reproducing extractive and colonial logics beyond planetary boundaries, threatening both ecological integrity and global equity. Control over knowledge, data, infrastructure, and critical technologies has emerged as a central axis of imperial power. Monopolisation of digital platforms, satellite systems, and surveillance infrastructure enables a small number of states and corporations to exert outsized influence over populations, markets, and political processes. This concentration of power deepens global inequalities and erodes democratic accountability.

Such monopolisation raises serious concerns around surveillance, democratic oversight, and the privatisation of a shared global commons. Space exploration and infrastructure development are increasingly driven by geopolitical competition and private accumulation rather than collective benefit.

This expansion is fuelled by techno-optimist narratives that frame space exploration as humanity’s escape route from ecological collapse. The belief that humans will be able to escape Earth before it becomes uninhabitable is a betrayal of our role as a steward species.

We reaffirm that outer space is the common heritage of humankind. Any attempts to colonise, militarise, or privatise celestial bodies or orbits constitute a dangerous extension of imperial expansion and must be collectively resisted.

In line with this analysis, we call on FYEG, its Member Organisations, and the wider Green political family to:

• The EU end all economic and political relations with states that violate human rights. We call on the EU to completely repeal the EU-Israel Association Agreement.

• Strengthen relations and unity within the EU and also paneuropean countries and strategic democratic partners to have a more powerful voice in the international scenario

• Enforcing a swift transition from fossil fuels to end reliance on authoritarian countries and guarantee energy independence

• Develop EU-technology, (explore the possibility of higher public ownership or control in these areas)

• International law has to be binding for every country. Democratic countries should explore measures to enforce it. For instance: protecting ICC officials from US sanctions.

• Strategic autonomy, we shouldn‘t rely on weaponry and external forces

• that European governments refrain from engaging in the Board of Peace, a unilateral organisation created with the only aim of challenging multilateral institutions

• that all political leaders face equal accountability for war crimes. ICC
  arrest warrants must be enforced without geopolitical bias, and any sanctions or pressure to obstruct the Court must be abolished.

• a fundamental reform of the UN Security Council, specifically the abolition of the Veto Power under Article 27 of the UN Charter. The veto must never be used to obstruct justice for war crimes or genocides. We support the "Veto Initiative" (UNGA Res 76/262) to ensure transparency and accountability.

• that all European states, immediately ratify the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). We insist that nuclear-armed states fulfill their disarmament obligations under Article VI of the NPT, moving beyond deterrence toward total elimination.

• absolute adherence to the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocols.

• The European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) must remain the non-negotiable legal floor, and all states must comply with the rulings of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) without exception.

• the universal abolition of the death penalty. We call on all states to ratify the Second Optional Protocol to the ICCPR, using European diplomatic and trade relations as leverage to end this violation of the fundamental right to life.

• the legal recognition of the Right to Food and Clean Water under the ICESCR. We condemn starvation as a method of warfare (Art. 8, Rome Statute) and demand the strict regulation of commodity trading hubs to end neocolonial extractivism that exploits the Global South.

• that international law applies equally to all, regardless of power. We demand full support for the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the Rome Statute, including the protection of its officials from external sanctions and political interference.

• that states fulfill their obligation to protect human rights from climate
  change. Following the ECtHR ruling in KlimaSeniorinnen v. Switzerland, we affirm that Article 8 of the ECHR protects the right to a safe climate and demand science-based, legally binding targets for all.

• Advocate for enforceable international mechanisms that sanction unilateral acts of imperialism, including territorial annexation, economic coercion, and violations of sovereign self‑determination.

• Promote resource sovereignty – Advocate for transparency standards for multi-national corporations to ensure extraction of raw materials provides fair compensation and investment to the host community.

• Support transparency and accountability standards for multinational corporations, particularly in resource extraction, digital infrastructure, and space‑related industries, ensuring fair compensation, environmental protection, and local benefit.

• Advocate for ethical oversight of trade, investment, and lending practices, including the review of agreements that compromise long‑term fiscal autonomy. Moreover, encourage the restructuring of international institutions to provide low-interest credit facilities that prioritise developmental stability over external market access.

• Support knowledge sharing: devise and implement policies that prioritise ‘open’ learning initiatives and localisation of technology.

• Demand the strengthening of international space treaties to prohibit private or unilateral ownership of extraterrestrial resources and ensure that benefits derived from space activities are shared equitably.

• Apply the same ethical, ecological, and distributive standards to resource extraction in space as are demanded on Earth.

• Oppose monopolies in digital, technological, and space‑related sectors and promote open, cooperative, and publicly accountable alternatives.

• Protect the night sky as a shared cultural, ecological, and scientific commons.

• Promote reform of multilateral institutions, including addressing permanent veto powers and unequal governance structures that undermine accountability and justice

We call on governments, European institutions, international organisations, and the Green political family to move beyond rhetorical commitments and take concrete action to dismantle imperial systems in all their forms. Immediate steps must be taken to enforce international law, strengthen multilateral institutions, and ensure accountability for violations.

We must demonstrate political leadership and solidarity to reimagine solutions beyond current globalisation models—not isolationism, but international solidarity. As Young Greens, we commit to addressing injustices on Earth, resisting narratives that frame space exploration as a substitute for ecological responsibility, and challenging colonial mindsets wherever they arise.